Thursday, May 18, 2017

The So-Called Coins of Revolt

I recently went to Edinburgh University for a one-day conference on coins related to the bible. Apart from the speakers, there seemed to be a general lack of knowledge and understanding about these coins on the part of the academics. I suppose that was why they decided to have a conference. Subsequently, professor Hurtado wrote on his blog about about two books on coins. One of the books was Judea and Rome in Coins which I had read and he hadn't. This is what he wrote about the book:

Judaea and Rome in Coins 65 BCE – 135 CE, eds. David M. Jacobson and Nikos Kokkinos (London: Spink, 2012), includes papers originally presented at a conference hosted by the publisher, 13-14 September 2010. These papers give much more focused attention to particular types of coins, with attention to coins of Herod, the Roman Prefects of Judaea in the early first century (including notably coins minted by Pontius Pilate), Jewish coins of the revolt (66-72 CE) and the Bar Kokhba revolt (132-135 CE), and coins minted under emperors Vespasian and Nerva.

I made a comment which did refer to the above book:

Larry
The coins of revolt (66-70) show no signs of antagonism to Rome, but rather declared a freedom. In the Autumn of 66, Nero declared a freedom for Greece as on the inscription. According to Goodman, in Rome and Jerusalem, there is documentary evidence that at the time of the revolt, marriages were made and land was bought and sold. Finally,according to Hendin, in Judea and Rome in Coins, the coins produced at the time of revolt were the best quality ever produced, with 98% silver. All together these are strange goings-on for a time of war.


He replied:
No. Not strange for people to marry during a war. And in the early years of the revolt of 66-72 CE a lot of Jews had reasons to think that it would succeed. For the first year or two, Rome was unable to mount any effective suppression. But in due course Roman might overwhelmed Jewish resistance.

Hurtado has closed the comments on his blog. Well I can allow him that people do marry in the time of war. But he says nothing about the buying and selling of land which did happen according to Goodman. He also doesn't make any comment about Nero granting freedom to the Greeks at the same time as the Jewish coins of so-called revolt declared a freedom for the Jews. There was obviously a link between the two. He gives no reason why the Romans couldn't mount an effective suppression starting in 66, when Nero had a large army in Greece in the Autumn of 66. I claim that Nero had fought a short contained war, not against the whole Jewish nation, but against the priests.  In the Autumn of 66, Nero came from Judea to Greece.  Vespasian, with the connivance of Josephus, later misclaimed the result as a great victory over the Jews. Then, in a mad scramble for power, we have the unseemly sight of Vitellius misclaiming the same victory as Vespasian on his Judea Capta coins (see Hendin, Fig 26 of Judea and Rome in Coins).  And we know what the mule trader's motive was. He had form, even fixing a triumph for Claudius. Vespasian was after robbing the temple.


On page 140 of Judea and Rome in Coins, Hendin has this to say about the coins of the first revolt (Hendin writes from the point of view that he believes the coins were produced by the Jews in Jerusalem during the first revolt):

1.The quality of workmanship was much better than before.

2. Precise manufacturing was a hallmark of the silver coins.

3. The coins were uniform in weight, purity, shape and striking.

4. The engraving of the dies was the best in the history of Judea.

5. Roth notes that for the first time we can clearly see “a mint geared for large-scale production, not with the work of part-time amateur artisans.”

6. This is rather remarkable considering the on-going civil war.

7. The political situation was certainly not consistent with the stable minting of coins by the rebels’ government throughout the five years of the revolt, Rappaport notes.

8. The changing situation among the Jews did not affect the striking of the silver coins, which reflected a “relatively SETTLED condition and the CONFIDENT ATMOSPHERE (capitals mine) of the country at the time” according to Roth.

9. Silver shekels and fractions of silver shekels of the Jewish war were not only unusually thick for ancient coins, but uniformly round, and struck with hammered edges which, according to experiments by Deutch and Drei, were hammered prior to striking.

10. Compared to both the early and later style of Tyre silver shekels and fractions, one notes that the only physical similarity between the two coin types is pureness of silver – 96% for Tyre coins and 98% for the Jewish war coins.

11. The weight of the Jewish War prutah is the highest for any Jewish coin struck since the first issues of the Hasmonaean Dynasty.

This isn’t all that Hendin has to say about Jewish War coins on page 140. If the above statements are true, then I cannot believe that the so-called War coins were produced in a time of war. They must have been produced in a time of peace, with the approval of the Roman administration, initially under Nero for two years. Where, for example, did the various skills required suddenly come from?  And where was the Mint?  Were the skilled craftsmen brought into Jerusalem from Caesarea or Tyre?  Or were these coins minted outside of Jerusalem? The purity, the working of the metal, and quality of the engravings of the silver coins points to Tyre as being the source of production.  


According to Abdy and Dowler (of the British Museum) in their book Coins and the Bible, page 64, the "the Hebrew legends usefully stated their denomination on the front - together with the mint ('Jerusalem the holy') on the reverse."  Jerusalem being the mint is an assumption on their part. Meshorer has the same view, but Deutsch says this suggestion has been rejected by other scholars (see page 116 of Judaea and Rome in Coins). One can understand Jerusalem being regarded as holy, but this label does not necessarily give the source of the production.  The Jews could now tell the world on their coins that Jerusalem was indeed holy, regardless of where the coins were manufactured. They had their freedom promised to them by Nero, and their temple was to be respected.  

According to Deutsch (page 116 of Judaea and Rome in Coins), 'Jerusalem the Holy' appears on all the silver Jewish coins, regardless of year of issue. Deutsch says that the inscription appears right from the start (on Year 1 coins) in order to create an affinity between the holiness of Jerusalem and its Temple, with the revolt.  I would say that the label created an affinity between the holiness of Jerusalem and its Temple, with the freedom granted by Nero, as he granted to Greece.  This freedom was one in which the countries of Israel, Greece and Rome would hold each other in respect. The other labels on the coins were Freedom of Zion and Redemption of Zion and Shekel of Israel.  These were prophetic expressions of the then ruling group or order, the prophets.  The priests had been put down by Nero's army, and Josephus was one of the priests (along with the other one who didn't commit suicide).  But shortly the prophet's fortunes were to be reversed, by a despot, Vespasian.







Tuesday, May 16, 2017

The Rise of the Prophets Post Exile - Antiquities 11

Antiquities 11 - Introduction

The prophets were trusted and respected by the Persian kings to build the temple.   The priests were not.  The prophets were the workers who had the physical skills.   The priests were the money men.  It was during the exile that the division between prophets and priests increased.  Their dispute was over who was going to build the temple.  Josephus has rewritten this chapter to give the impression that the priests were always powerful and in charge.  The Samaritans are fictitiously made the ones who obstructed the work. There would be no altar for burnt offerings and no animal sacrifice.  That would all be the creation of one Josephus.

The Jews that left Babylon were not the same as those who were taken into captivity. The prophets had the upper hand.  The priests had their tails between their legs.


1.IN the first year of the reign of Cyrus which was the seventieth from the day that our people were removed out of their own land into Babylon, God commiserated the captivity and calamity of [these poor people] {the prophets}, according as he had foretold to them by JEREMIAH the PROPHET, before the destruction of the city, that after they had served Nebuchadnezzar and his posterity, and after they had undergone that servitude seventy years, he would restore them again to the land of their fathers, and they should build their temple, and enjoy their ancient prosperity. And these things God did afford them; for he stirred up the mind of Cyrus, and made him write this throughout all Asia: "Thus saith Cyrus the king: Since God Almighty hath appointed me to be king of the habitable earth, I believe that he is that God which the nation of the Israelites worship; for indeed he foretold my name by the PROPHETS, and that I should build him a house at Jerusalem, in the country of Judea."

2.This was known to Cyrus by his reading the book which ISAIAH left behind him of his prophecies; for this PROPHET said that God had spoken thus to him in a secret vision: "My will is, that Cyrus, whom I have appointed to be king over many and great nations, send back my people to their own land, and build my temple." This was foretold by ISAIAH one hundred and forty years before the temple was demolished. Accordingly, when Cyrus read this, and admired the Divine power, an earnest desire and ambition seized upon him to fulfill what was so written; so he called for the most eminent Jews that were in Babylon, and said to them, that he gave them leave to go back to their own country, and to rebuild [their city Jerusalem, and] the temple of God, for that he would be their assistant,


[and that he would write to the rulers and governors that were in the neighbourhood of their country of Judea, that they should contribute to them gold and silver for the building of the temple, and besides that, beasts for their sacrifices].


3. When Cyrus had said this to the Israelites, the rulers of the two tribes of Judah and Benjamin, with the Levites and priests, went in haste to Jerusalem; yet did many of them stay at Babylon, as not willing to leave their possessions;

[and when they were come thither, all the king's friends assisted them, and brought in, for the building of the temple, some gold, and some silver, and some a great many cattle and horses. So they performed their vows to God, and offered the sacrifices that had been accustomed of old time; I mean this upon the rebuilding of their city, and the revival of the ancient practices relating to their worship.  Cyrus also sent back to them the vessels of God which king Nebuchadnezzar had pillaged out of the temple, and had carried to Babylon. So he committed these things to Mithridates, the treasurer, to be sent away, with an order to give them to Sanabassar, that he might keep them till the temple was built; and when it was finished, he might deliver them to the priests and rulers of the multitude, in order to their being restored to the temple.  Cyrus also sent an epistle to the governors that were in Syria, the contents whereof here follow:
“KING CYRUS TO SISINNES AND SATHRABUZANES SENDETH GREETING.

"I have given leave to as many of the Jews that dwell in my country as please to return to their own country, and to rebuild their city, and to build the temple of God at Jerusalem on the same place where it was before. I have also sent my treasurer Mithridates, and Zorobabel, the governor of the Jews, that they may lay the foundations of the temple, and may build it sixty cubits high, and of the same latitude, making three edifices of polished stones, and one of the wood of the country, and the same order extends to the altar whereon they offer sacrifices to God. I require also that the expenses for these things may be given out of my revenues. Moreover, I have also sent the vessels which king Nebuchadnezzar pillaged out of the temple, and have given them to Mithridates the treasurer, and to Zorobabel the governor of the Jews, that they may have them carried to Jerusalem, and may restore them to the temple of God. Now their number is as follows: Fifty chargers of gold, and five hundred of silver; forty Thericlean cups of gold, and five hundred of silver; fifty basons of gold, and five hundred of silver; thirty vessels for pouring (the drink-offerings), and three hundred of silver; thirty vials of gold, and two thousand four hundred of silver; with a thousand other large vessels. I permit them to have the same honour which they were used to have from their forefathers, as also for their small cattle, and for wine and oil, two hundred and five thousand and five hundred drachme; and for wheat flour, twenty thousand and five hundred artabae; and I give order that these expenses shall be given them out of the tributes due from Samaria. The priests shall also offer these sacrifices according to the laws of Moses in Jerusalem; and when they offer them, they shall pray to God for the preservation of the king and of his family, that the kingdom of Persia may continue. But my will is, that those who disobey these injunctions, and make them void, shall be hung upon a cross, and their substance brought into the king's treasury." And such was the import of this epistle. Now the number of those that came out of captivity to Jerusalem, were forty-two thousand four hundred and sixty-two.]

Wednesday, April 19, 2017

The Priests Wrote the Dead Sea Scrolls

Last night I read again Chapter 10 - The Deepening Scrolls Controversy of Golb's book:
Who Wrote the Dead Sea Scrolls.  It is a Chapter which highlights the struggles that numerous scholars have had to identify the writers of the Scrolls.  It seems that the scholar's struggles are continuing today. Tigchelaar in his latest paper In Search of the Scribe Who Wrote 1QS, speaks of text being 'Qumranic'.

Chapter 10 contains the names of many scholars involved in deciphering and interpreting the Scrolls.  These include Rengstorf, Roth, Driver, Del Medico, Sukenik, Yadin, de Vaux, Dupont-Sommer, Vermes, Gibert, Laparrousaz, Broshi, Golb, Greenfield, Fitzmyer, Davies, Baillet, Weinfeld, Delcor, Philonenko, Trever, van der Woude, Martinez, Talmon, Newsom, Tov, Cross, Strugnell and VanderKam.  So why didn't all these bright folk, along with many others, reach a common agreement?  In the 32 pages of Chapter 10, Golb mentions each of these scholars (in what looks like a Who's Who of Qumran) at least once and some a number of times.  He agrees with a few, but lucidly dismantles the arguments of many, sticking doggedly to his view of the Jerusalem origin of the scrolls despite an almost unanimous opposition from other scholars.  He is to be admired for his tenacity under what must have been enormous pressure from other scholars.  

So where did all the above scholars go wrong?  A clue is on page 279 of Chapter 10 where Laperrousaz is described as arguing against Golb's theory of the Jerusalem origin of the scrolls.  Golb quotes Laperrousaz: "Among the Scrolls...are numerous ones that express vigorous opposition to the groups in power in Jerusalem, i.e. the priests and doctors of the law.  For what reasons, by virtue of what of what masochism, would these people in Jerusalem have taken such such care to preserve texts [as at Qumran - my comment] of such a kind as they had in their possession?"  I am not going to repeat the arguments between these two scholars.  These are on Page 279 of Golb's book.  Both scholars refer to Josephus for their basis.  

I dare say that both scholars accept Laperrousaz's view that the priests and doctors of the law were the ones in power, at least religiously.  Do all scholars think the same?  I think they do.  Josephus would be delighted.  Working for his Roman masters, he has re-written Jewish and Roman history.  Jewish history (an original Antiquities) was re-written so that the priests were never out of power.  Periodically Josephus has a fictitious high priest appointed, usually by a Roman, with few other details.  This was pure wishful thinking on Josephus's part. He wanted to reinstate the priests with an appearance of being homogeneous and lawful to suit his Flavian masters. This was a far cry from what the priests were before they went to war in what was initially a civil revolt against their kings and the king's prophets.     

The priests read and wrote a wide variety of scrolls representing a wide variation of opinion. They were a  a 'broad church' like the priests in the Church of England or the Catholic priests.  One thing united the priests.  They objected to their kings and the king's prophets. The priests believed that their interpretation of Jewish law was being flouted.  They were cast out of the temple and sent into exile in villages and towns.  The more violent were exiled out of Judea. Animal sacrifice was prohibited.  The altar for burnt offerings was removed in Judas's purge of the temple.  Their scrolls (including the Copper Scroll from an earlier hiding of treasure) were gathered by the kings and placed in the king's Citadel.  These multi-faceted scrolls were so loaded that only the king was allowed to read them.  From the time of Judas Maccabeus, the priests were never in control, but on a number of occasions they came close to gaining it.  During the rule of Gaius, the priests sought to erect the altar for burnt offerings again and resume the sacrifices.  Gaius, a friend of Agrippa's did not approve. Finally, the 30000 or so priests defeated Agrippa's forces, took control of Jerusalem and occupied a number of fortresses. They took their scrolls out of the Citadel and then set fire to it. They hid the scrolls in the caves near to Qumran, and then waited for the inevitable arrival of Nero.  In the meantime the prophets were barricaded in the temple. 

There never was a big war of the Romans led by Vespasian against the Jews .  That war was a creation of Josephus for his employer who had misclaimed a victory over the Jews. Misclaimed victories were also offered to De Silva and Bassus.  

In 66 CE Nero came with a large army of around 8000 troops to tackle the priests.  They were let into Jerusalem at night by the prophets.  There was no siege.  The Roman army set about the priests of Jerusalem.  They then mounted almost simultaneous attacks on the fortresses of Qumran, Machaerus and Masada which were all taken by storm.  Some priests were killed, and some, like Josephus, were were imprisoned.  Nero proclaimed the freedom of Judea and left part of the tenth legion in Jerusalem to make sure nothing untoward happened. He set off for Greece in the Autumn of 66.   He also declared freedom for the people of Greece. There were then five years of peace in Judea.  People got married, and land was bought and sold. Coins were minted to celebrate the peace and freedom.  There was no anti-Roman expression of any kind on the coins. The prophets were not interested in recovering the priest's scrolls. The temple still stood with the prophets worshipping in their usual way at the altar of incense.  Until Nero's death, no-one could have suspected what was round the corner.
     



Tuesday, March 07, 2017

Goodacre, Cargill and Moss have wrongly advised CNN (Finding Jesus)

The clip from CNN episode 1 is on Goodacre's blog (see http://ntweblog.blogspot.co.uk/2017/03/finding-jesus-season-two.html) :

Character 1. In the bible, Pilate is infamous as the man who tries Jesus.

Character 2.  Pilate is a fascinating character in Christian history.  He does seem tormented about whether or not Jesus is guilty and whether or not he should condemn him.  

Character 3 (Moss). The Pilate of the Gospels is uncertain. He seems deeply concerned with Jesus's innocence.

Character 4.  I have the authority to set you free.

Character 5 (Goodacre).  He's not firm and decisive about what he wants to do.

Character 6.  The discovery of his name in stone was ground breaking. 

Character 7 (Cargill).  The significance of the Pilate Stone is that it actually gives us hard evidence of this central figure from the story of the crucifixion of Jesus.  So Pilate really existed and he really was the prefect of Judea.  We actually have a literal touchstone, a point of connection between the between the story of the crucifixion of Jesus from the Bible and actual Roman history.

As camp prefect, he was third in command of a legion based in Caesarea.  He was a long serving veteran, an old hand, of lower status than a tribune (the second in command) or a legate (the legion commander).   He was responsible for training a legion and thus maintained the discipline of the army, like a modern sergeant major.  He was popular, hence the stone. But he had no authority to try Jews elsewhere, or to set them free. That was the responsibility of the king, who at the time was Aristobulus.  The hesitancy of Pilate over the crucifixion of Jesus is a complete fabrication. This was Roman propaganda. Flavian historians wanted people to believe that Romans were in control and all powerful. The discovery of the name of Pilate on a stone found in a theatre in Caesarea is thus not all that remarkable. He was prefect of Judea, merely an army position, not its governor or procurator which would normally fall to a legate. There was no Roman province of Judea led by a Roman governor allocated specifically to the task.      

Romans were in control but not in the way portrayed in the New Testament or in the record left by Josephus.  At the time Jesus is supposed to have existed, the herodian king, Aristobulus, the son of Herod, was ruling.  There was no break in the herodian dynasty from Herod to Agrippa I.  This is implied by Kokkinos in the Herodian Dynasty.  Kokkinos cannot begin to think that there was a break in the herodian rulers between Herod and Agrippa I. The herodian kings had the power of life and death over their subjects. They were regarded as reliable by Romans, completely capable of ruling their people.  They had their own armies, money, and the respect of the Romans.

The connection between Jesus and Pilate in the New Testament is purely literary.  It was convenient to use Pilate as a symbol of Roman military power.  This would have pleased Josephus's employers, the Flavians.  In Antiquities 18, Pilate is substituted for Caiaphas the leader of the rebel priests.  Josephus, a priest, doesn't want to talk about Caiaphas who was once his leader.  Josephus was an eyewitness alright, not to the great revolt of the Jews against the Romans, but to Nero's defeat of the priests.  The priests had been outcasts from the temple since the time of Judas Maccabeus and their scrolls had been confiscated by successive kings and kept in the Citadel. (See my post on Antiquities 18). Animal sacrifices were abolished by Judas.  There was no altar for burnt offerings.         

Cargill's hard evidence for a link between the "story" of the crucifixion of Jesus from the bible and actual Roman history thus evaporates. Both he and Moss like to cover their backs with words like "story" or "from the bible" or "the Pilate of the gospels". Typically, Goodacre carefully avoids such expressions. Not only have these academics portrayed Pilate as being uncertain, they are uncertain about what they themselves say. They are supposed to be telling us history. Meanwhile they convince the public about what they think is history, when 
if fact the history they convey is a load of tosh.

What they said in the trailers about Herod was unbelievably childish. 

Sunday, February 19, 2017

Nero was About Revolution - The Freedom of Greece and Judea/Israel

On page 140 of Rome and Jerusalem Martin Goodman quotes from a surviving Greek inscription: "Other leaders have liberated cities, only Nero a province." There is more to that inscription: (see the ERC project Judaism and Rome 
http://judaism-and-rome.cnrs.fr/node/2539 where you can read the inscription in full.)

Why did Nero feel that he owed a great debt to the people of Greece?  He granted them independence and freedom from taxation.  This was not what the Roman empire was about.  It was a revolution.  There must have been another reason which wasn't to do with the combative games in whatever form they took. The games receive NO mention in the inscription.  Dio saying this was a very special trip, is propaganda.  That Nero went to Greece was secondary.  In the Spring of 66 his main object was to make war on the 30,000 or so Jewish priests who had killed king Agrippa and were persecuting the prophets.  Nero was already in a very happy mood when he landed in Greece with a large army (later mocked by Suetonius).  He was feeling pleased with himself because of his recent victory over the Jewish priests.

In the inscription, Nero is called Zeus Liberator by his Greek hosts.  They understood what that meant in a local and a wider sense. It wasn't just the Greeks who had been given freedom.  In the autumn of 66 Nero had sailed from the port of Caesarea with his army.  He had been in Judea fighting the priests.  He had been let into Jerusalem by the prophets, then he took by storm the fortresses of Masada, Machaerus and Qumran which the priests had occupied.  The priests were killed, or thrown in prison along with Josephus. The temple was left standing with all its wealth.  Five years of peace ensued.  The prophets (obfuscated by Josephus as Essenes) and the people were given their freedom.  Land was sold and marriages were made - activities not usually associated with war.   In the fourth year of the so-called war, Jerusalem was supposed to be under siege, yet coins were being minted in Jerusalem - the last thing anyone would be doing. The so-called coins of revolt were coins of peace and freedom.  The coins carried symbols of items in the sanctuary.  Succoth, a time when the Spirit came down was celebrated. There were no symbols on the coins to do with animal sacrifice.  Nero left a part of the 10th legion in charge to prevent a reaction.   

Then there was the year of the four emperors. Towards the end of that year, General Vespasian saw his chance.  He sought the help of the priests, and commanded his son Titus to invade the temple, kill the prophets who controlled it,  and take prisoner those that were left alive.  They would be transported to Rome for Vespasian's misclaimed triumph.  Vespasian used the wealth from the temple to fund his rise to power (and later his building program) then he set fire to the temple, claiming that it was the Jews fault.         

Nero's links with Greece through his tutor Seneca and his Greek secretary Epaphroditus, among others, were deeply ingrained.  The philosophy of the Stoics, of which Seneca was a supporter, had a number of similarities to that of the prophets.  Nero had been a friend of Agrippa, staying with him, and at Ein Gedi  when he was younger.  Many of the prophets lived at Ein Gedi where the priests later massacred whole families.  The prophets, of which Agrippa was one, were for freedom in the spirit. The seeds were sewn of a new spiritual beginning for the Roman empire.  That new start was first in Judea and then Greece.  

Nero and his mother Agrippina had become followers of the Spirit like the Jewish prophets (See my post Nero and his mother follow the prophets). Seneca and Epaphroditus were probably of the same view, as were many other Romans.  'Christianity' with a crucified Jesus was imposed to hide this.     

Nero had left the temple intact for the prophets to continue their worship in the sanctuary. This was why the so-called ‘coins of revolt’ issued during the four/five years of peace gave no indication of a destroyed temple. More importantly they showed no antagonism to Rome. What they did show were comments such as: “the freedom of Zion”; "the redemption of Zion"; "Shekel of Israel". These comments indicated an event that had occurred.  The coments ont the Bar Kohkba coins had comments for the freedom of ZionNero had granted freedom to the Jewish state and the Jewish people in the same way as he was going to do for Greece.  That meant not only freedom from direct Roman rule but also freedom from Roman taxation.  Also the coins depicted emblems that were in the sanctuary. There was nothing about the altar for burned offerings. The priests had been out of business, exiled from the temple, ever since the time of Judas Maccabeus who purged the temple and kicked the priests out. NONE of the Jewish coins, going back to the second century BC, show any activity, such as the altar for burned offerings, of the priests.  They had been causing trouble for kings and prophets many years. This illustrates the long arm of the Flavians and the extent to which they interfered with the text of Antiquities which I believe was originated by a Jewish prophet at the time of Claudius. Josephus, in keeping with the historians of his day, used another person’s writings.

Thus we have Nero granting freedom first to the province of Judea and then to the province of Greece. This brought him into conflict with the members of the Roman senate. We have ridiculous fabricated stories that tell us about his vile character. Nero must have intended the same for each country of the empire. He was obviously tolerant of all religions.  This liberal minded man preferred peaceful competitions.  He knew what had happened to the Greek empire.

Thursday, February 09, 2017

Proof that Nero won the "Jewish War" - David Hendin on Vitellius's Judea Capta coin

In his article on Page 142 in JUDEA AND ROME IN COINS, David Hendin shows the front and back of a coin of Vitellius (Fig. 26: Vitellius bronze - depicting the victory over the Jews).  Hendin says that the Judea capta series of coins was Rome's victorious response to the Jewish war.  He further implies that Vitellius took advantage of his months in office to use the war for his Roman propaganda.  Hendin thinks that with Vespasian (supposedly) running the show, the Romans were bound to win, and that Vitellius anticipated the victory. This of course is rubbish. If Vitellius anticipated anything, it was that Vespasian intended to mount a raid on the temple. This would make a massive difference to Vespasian's chances of gaining the emperorship. 

Nero had already won the "war" four/five years previously, which was short, as described in this blog, and not the sort of war created by Josephus (see my post on the 'Circumvallation' Wall).  Vitellius was simply starting a propaganda which Vespasian later exploited with further issues of Judea Capta coins.  As Vitellius was the last emperor in the 'year of the four emperors', one can safely say that the 'war' had been over four/five years before Vitellius came up with the idea of issuing Judea Capta coins. Vitellius was using Nero's victory over the priests for his own propaganda as a victory over the Jews.  Vitellius was expecting to claim the riches of the temple for himself, knowing what was in the temple because he had been governor of Syria. But Vespasian beat him to it.

Monday, January 30, 2017

The Messiah Caiaphas, and Aristobulus and his son Agrippa, the kings of Judea who opposed him (Antiquities 18:1,2,3,4,5,6,8)

(See also my reply to Helen Bond's book on Caiaphas -  My Post on Antiquities 18 - Caiaphus, a Zealot and The Last Messiah - Edited to Jesus and John the Baptist)

Ant.18.1 - Aristobulus made king, the rise of Caiaphas, and the two priestly orders


In Chapter 1, the original writer (probably James) wanted to explain to the Roman establishment the primary cause of unrest among the Jews, and the two priestly orders in Judaism. The blame for the unrest lay with the priests.  They hated the idea of king Aristobulus coming to power after Herod.  Aristobulus was living Rome before he became king. The priests had been cast out of the temple by Judas Maccabeus' and Aristobulus intended to keep the status quo and supported the prophets.  The Romans trusted the Herodians and the prophets. 

The text has been edited by Josephus.  Cyrenius did not come to dispose of Archelaus's estate.  Judea wasn't added to the province of Syria, but continued to be ruled by king Aristobulus.  Judea remained in the hands of the Herods, who were Hasmonean, and was never a part of Syria.  Roman rule was Flavian propaganda. Coponius the so called procurator was fabricated, as was Gessius Florus. Essenes were misnamed.  They were the prophets.  Sadducees and Pharisees did not exist. There was no coming of Cyrenius to "to be a judge of that Nation and to take an account of their substance".   

The original Caiaphas a leading rebel, was edited into Judas, Jesus and John the baptist. As Eisenman once said to me the Roman editors were having fun.  Eisenman didn't realise how much fun. With the appointment of a new king, by Caesar, Caiaphas, a senior priest, and his son Eleazar, saw their opportunity.  Chapter 1 was about their rebellion against Herodian rule and the prophets.     

Aristobulus inherited his throne from his father Herod at a time when the priests were increasing their influence, after years of living in exile from the temple and Jerusalem.  The original writer, a Jewish prophet, uses this opportunity to explain to his readers in the court of Claudius, that at the time, there were increased tensions between prophets and priests, and that trouble was expected from the priests. These two priestly orders had existed for a long time. Moses had legislated for both orders.  There were an estimated 30,000 priests and 4000 prophets at the time of writing.  The priests wanted to reclaim their Scrolls which had been kept for years, by a succession of kings, under lock and key in the Citadel fortress adjoining the temple.  

1.NOW [Cyrenius] {Aristobulus}, a [Roman senator] {Hasmonean}, and

[one who had gone through other magistracies, and had passed through them till he had been consul, and]

one who, on other accounts, was of great dignity came at this time into [Syria] {Judea}, [with a few others,] being sent by Caesar to be

[a judge of that Nation and to take an account of their substance.  Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order, was sent together with him, to have the supreme power]

{king} over the Jews.

[Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and to dispose of Archelaus’s money;]

But

[the Jews, although at the beginning they took the report of a taxation heinously, yet did they leave off any further opposition to it, by the persuasion of Joazar, who was the son of Boethus, and high priest; so they, being over-persuaded by Joazar's words, gave an account of their estates. Yet was]

there was one [Judas] {Caiaphas}, a [Gaulonite] {a priest}, [of a city whose name was Gamala,] who, taking with him [Sadduc] {Eleazar}, [a Pharisee] {his son}, became zealous to draw them to a revolt, who both said that this [taxation] {king} was no better than an introduction to [slavery] {impurity}, and exhorted the [nation] {priests} to assert [their liberty] {the Law};

[as if they could procure them happiness and security for what they possessed, and an assured enjoyment of a still greater good, which was that of the honour and glory they would thereby acquire for magnanimity.  They also said that God would not otherwise be assisting to them than upon their joining with one another in such councils as might be successful and for their own advantage; and this especially, if they would set about great exploits, and not grow weary in executing the same;]

so [men] {the priests} received what [they] {he} said with pleasure, and this bold attempt proceeded to a great height. 

[All sorts of misfortunes also sprang from these men, and the nation as infected with this doctrine to an incredible degree; one violent war came upon us after another, and we lost our friends which used to alleviate our pains;]

There were [also] very great robberies and murder of our [principal men] {prophets}. This was done in pretense indeed for the public welfare, but in reality for the hopes of gain to themselves; whence arose seditions, and from them murders of [men] {prophets}, which sometimes fell on those of their own [people] {order}, by the madness of these [men] {priests} towards one another, while their desire was that none of the [adverse party] {prophets} might be left.

[, and sometimes on their enemies; famine also coming upon us, reduced us to the last degree of despair, as did also the taking and demolishing of cities; nay, the sedition at last increased so high, that the very temple of God was burnt down by their enemies’ fire.] 

Such were the consequences of this, that the customs of our fathers were altered, and such a change was made, as added a mighty weight toward bringing all to destruction, which [these men] {the priests} occasioned by their thus conspiring together; for [Judas] {Caiaphas} and [Sadduc] {Eleazar} excited [a fourth philosophic sect] {the priests} among us and [had a great many followers therein], filled our civil government with tumults at present, and laid the foundations of our future miseries

[by this system of philosophy, which we were before unacquainted withal, concerning which I will discourse a little, and this the rather because the infection which spread thence among the younger sort, who were zealous for it, brought the public to destruction].

2. The Jews had for a great while [three sects of philosophy peculiar to themselves;] the [sect] {order} of the [Essens] {priests}, and the [sect] {order} of the [Sadducees] {prophets}.

[,and the third sort of opinions was that of those called Pharisees; of which sects, although I have already spoken in the second book of the Jewish War, yet will I a little touch upon them now.]

3. Now, for the [Pharisees] {priests}, they live meanly, and despise delicacies in diet; and they follow the [conduct of reason] {Law}; and what that prescribes to them as good for them they do; and they think they ought earnestly to strive to observe [reason's] {the Law’s} dictates for practice. They also pay a respect to such as are in years; nor are they so bold as to contradict them in any thing which they have introduced; and when they determine that all things are done by [fate] {the Law}, they [do not] take away the freedom from men of acting as they think fit; since their notion is, that it hath pleased God to make a [temperament] {Law}, whereby what he wills is done, but so that the will of man can [act virtuously] {obey} or [viciously] {disobey}.

They also believe that [souls] {spirits} have an immortal rigor in them, and that under the earth there will be rewards or punishments, according as they have [lived virtuously] {obeyed} or [viciously] {disobeyed} [in this life] {the Law}; and the latter are to be detained in an everlasting prison, but that the former shall [have power to revive and live] {rise} again; on account of which [doctrines] {Laws} they are able greatly to persuade the [body] {order} of the [people] {priests}; and whatsoever they do about Divine worship, prayers, and sacrifices, they perform them according to their [direction] {Laws}; insomuch that the cities give great attestations to them on account of their [entire virtuous conduct] {obedience}, both in [the] {their} actions [of their lives] and their discourses also.

4.[But the doctrine of the Sadducees is this: That souls die with the bodies; nor do they regard the observation of any thing besides what the law enjoins them; for they think it an instance of virtue to dispute with those teachers of philosophy whom they frequent: but this doctrine is received but by a few, yet by those still of the greatest dignity. But they are able to do almost nothing of themselves; for when they become magistrates, as they are unwillingly and by force sometimes obliged to be, they addict themselves to the notions of the Pharisees, because the multitude would not otherwise bear them.]

5. The [doctrine] {teaching} of the [Essens] {prophets} is this: that all [things] {spirits of man} [are best ascribed to] {come from} God. They teach the immortality of [souls] {spirits}, and esteem that [the rewards of righteousness] {pure spirits} are to be earnestly striven for; and when they [send what they have dedicated to God] {come} into the temple, they do not offer sacrifices because they have [more pure lustrations of their own] {the Spirit of God}; on which account they [are excluded from the common court of the temple, but] offer [their sacrifices] themselves {in the sanctuary}; yet is their course of life better than that of [other men] {the priests}; and they entirely addict themselves to [husbandry] {the Spirit of God}. It also deserves our admiration, how much they exceed all other men that addict themselves to [virtue] {purity}, and this in [righteousness] {the Spirit}; and indeed to such a degree, that as [it] {the Spirit} hath never appeared among any other men, neither Greeks nor barbarians, no, not for a little time, so hath it [endured] {appeared} a long while among them. This is demonstrated by that [institution] {company} of theirs, which will not suffer any thing to hinder them from having all things in common; so that a rich man enjoys no more of his own wealth than he who hath nothing at all.

There are about four thousand [men] {prophets} that live in [this way] {the Spirit}, and neither marry wives, nor are desirous to keep servants; as thinking the latter tempts men to be unjust, and the former gives the handle to domestic quarrels; but as they live by themselves, they minister one to another. They also appoint certain stewards to receive the incomes of their revenues, and of the fruits of the ground; such as are [good men and priests,] {pure} who are to get their corn and their food ready for them.

[They none of them differ from others of the Essens in their way of living, but do most resemble those Dacae who are called Polistae, dwellers in cities.
6. But of the fourth sect of Jewish philosophy, Judas the Galilean was the author.] 

These men agree in all other things with the [Pharisaic] {priest’s} notions; but they have an inviolable attachment to [liberty] {freedom}, and say that {the Spirit of} God is to be their [only Ruler and] Lord. They also do not value dying any kinds of death, nor indeed do they heed the deaths of their relations and friends, nor can any such fear make them call any man Lord. 


[And since this immovable resolution of theirs is well known to a great many, I shall speak no further about that matter; nor am I afraid that any thing I have said of them should be disbelieved, but rather fear, that what I have said is beneath the resolution they show when they undergo pain.  And it was in Gessius Florus's time that the nation began to grow mad with this distemper, who was our procurator, and who occasioned the Jews to go wild with it by the abuse of his authority, and to make them revolt from the Romans. And these are the sects of Jewish philosophy].

Ant.18.2 - The priests murdered some of the prophets, and king Aristobulus built houses for them at Ein Gedi 

1.[WHEN Cyrenius had now disposed of Archelaus's money , and when the taxings were come to a conclusion, which were made in the thirty-seventh year of Caesar's victory over Anthony at Actium, he deprived Joazar of the high priesthood, which dignity had been conferred on him by the multitude, and he appointed Ananias, the son of Seth, to be high priest; while Herod and Philip had each of them received their own tetrarchy, and settled the affairs thereof.  Herod also built a wall about Sepphoris, (which is the security of all Galilee,) and made it the metropolis of the country. He also built a wall round Betharamphtha, which was itself a city also, and called it Julias, from the name of the emperor's wife. When Philip also had built Paneas, a city at the fountains of Jordan, he named it Ceasarea. He also advanced the village Bethsaida, situate at the lake of Gennesareth, unto the dignity of a city, both by the number of inhabitants it contained, and its other grandeur, and called it by the name of Julias, the same name with Caesar's daughter.]

2. As [Coponius] {Aristobulus} [, who we told you was sent along with Cyrenius] was exercising his office of [procurator] {king}, [and governing Judea,] the following accidents happened.

[As the Jews were celebrating the feast of unleavened bread, which we call the Passover, It was customary for the priests to open the temple gates just after midnight.  When, [therefore, those gates were first opened,]


some of the [Samaritans] {priests} came [privately] {secretly} into Jerusalem, and

[threw about dead men's bodies, in the cloisters]

{killed some of the prophets};  

[on which account the Jews afterward excluded them out of the temple, which they had not used to do at such festivals; and on other accounts also they watched the temple more carefully than they had formerly done. A little after which accident Coponius returned to Rome, and Marcus Ambivius came to be his successor in that government; under whom Salome, the sister of king Herod, died, and left to Julia, Caesar's wife, Jamnia, all its toparchy, and Phasaelis in the plain, and Arehelais, where is a great plantation of palm trees, and their fruit is excellent in its kind. After him came Annius Rufus, under whom died Caesar, the second emperor of the Romans, the duration of whose reign was fifty-seven years, besides six months and two days (of which time Antonius ruled together with him fourteen years; but the duration of his life was seventy-seven years); upon whose death Tiberius Nero, his wife Julia's son, succeeded. He was now the third emperor; and he sent Valerius Gratus to be procurator of Judea, and to succeed Annius Rufus. This man deprived Ananus of the high priesthood, and appointed Ismael, the son of Phabi, to be high priest. He also deprived him in a little time, and ordained Eleazar, the son of Ananus, who had been high priest before, to be high priest; which office, when he had held for a year, Gratus deprived him of it, and gave the high priesthood to Simon, the son of Camithus; and when he had possessed that dignity no longer than a year, Joseph Caiaphas was made his successor.  When Gratus had done those things, he went back to Rome, after he had tarried in Judea eleven years, when Pontius Pilate came as his successor.]

3. And now [Herod the tetrarch] {Aristobulus}, [who was in great favour with Tiberius], built a [city] {village} [of the same name with him,] and called it [Tiberias] {Ein Gedi}. He built it in the best part of [Galilee] {Judea}, at the lake of [Gennesareth] {Salt}. There are warm baths at a little distance from it.

[, in a village named Emmaus. Strangers came and inhabited this city; a great number of the inhabitants were Galileans also; and]

[Many] {The prophets} were [necessitated] {invited} by [Herod] {Aristobulus} to come thither out of the country belonging to him [, and were by force compelled] to be its inhabitants; some of them were [persons] {prophets} of condition. He also admitted poor [people]{prophets}, such as those that were collected from all parts, to dwell in it. Nay, some of them were [not quite free-men] {trainees}, and these he was benefactor to, and made them [free] {prophets} in great numbers; but obliged them not to forsake the [city] {village}, by building them very good houses at his own expenses, and by giving them land also; 

[for he was sensible, that to make this place a habitation was to transgress the Jewish ancient laws, because many sepulchres were to be here taken away, in order to make room for the city Tiberias whereas our laws pronounce that such inhabitants are unclean for seven days.]

4. [About this time died Phraates, king of the Parthians, by the treachery of Phraataces his son, upon the occasion following: When Phraates had had legitimate sons of his own, he had also an Italian maid-servant, whose name was Thermusa, who had been formerly sent to him by Julius Caesar, among other presents. He first made her his concubine; but he being a great admirer of her beauty, in process of time having a son by her, whose name was Phraataces, he made her his legitimate wife, and had a great respect for her. Now she was able to persuade him to do any thing that she said, and was earnest in procuring the government of Parthia for her son; but still she saw that her endeavors would not succeed, unless she could contrive how to remove Phraates's legitimate sons out of the kingdom; so she persuaded him to send those his sons as pledges of his fidelity to Rome; and they were sent to Rome accordingly, because it was not easy for him to contradict her commands. Now while Phraataces was alone brought up in order to succeed in the government, he thought it very tedious to expect that government by his father's donation as his successor; he therefore formed a treacherous design against his father, by his mother's assistance, with whom, as the report went, he had criminal conversation also. So he was hated for both these vices, while his subjects esteemed this wicked love of his mother to be no way inferior to his parricide; and he was by them, in a sedition, expelled out of the country before he grew too great, and died. But as the best sort of Parthians agreed together that it was impossible they should be governed without a king, while also it was their constant practice to choose one of the family of Arsaces, nor did their law allow of any others; and they thought this kingdom had been sufficiently injured already by the marriage with an Italian concubine, and by her issue, they sent ambassadors, and called Orodes to take the crown; for the multitude would not otherwise have borne them; and though he was accused of very great cruelty, and was of an untractable temper, and prone to wrath, yet still he was one of the family of Arsaces. However, they made a conspiracy against him, and slew him, and that, as some say, at a festival, and among their sacrifices; (for it is the universal custom there to carry their swords with them;) but, as the more general report is, they slew him when they had drawn him out a hunting. So they sent ambassadors to Rome, and desired they would send one of those that were there as pledges to be their king. Accordingly, Vonones was preferred before the rest, and sent to them (for he seemed capable of such great fortune, which two of the greatest kingdoms under the sun now offered him, his own and a foreign one). However, the barbarians soon changed their minds, they being naturally of a mutable disposition, upon the supposal that this man was not worthy to be their governor; for they could not think of obeying the commands of one that had been a slave, (for so they called those that had been hostages,) nor could they bear the ignominy of that name; and this was the more intolerable, because then the Parthians must have such a king set over them, not by right of war, but in time of peace. So they presently invited Artabanus, king of Media, to be their king, he being also of the race of Arsaces. Artabanus complied with the offer that was made him, and came to them with an army. So Vonones met him; and at first the multitude of the Parthians stood on this side, and he put his army in array; but Artabanus was beaten, and fled to the mountains of Media. Yet did he a little after gather a great army together, and fought with Vonones, and beat him; whereupon Vonones fled away on horseback, with a few of his attendants about him, to Seleucia upon Tigris. So when Artabanus had slain a great number, and this after he had gotten the victory by reason of the very great dismay the barbarians were in, he retired to Ctesiphon with a great number of his people; and so he now reigned over the Parthians. But Vonones fled away to Armenia; and as soon as he came thither, he had an inclination to have the government of the country given him, and sent ambassadors to Rome for that purpose. But because Tiberius refused it him, and because he wanted courage, and because the Parthian king threatened him, and sent ambassadors to him to denounce war against him if he proceeded, and because he had no way to take to regain any other kingdom, (for the people of authority among the Armenians about Niphates joined themselves to Artabanus,) he delivered up himself to Silanus, the president of Syria, who, out of regard to his education at Rome, kept him in Syria, while Artabanus gave Armenia to Orodes, one of his own sons.]


5. [At this time died Antiochus, the king of Commagene; whereupon the  contended with the nobility, and both sent ambassadors to Rome; for the men of power were desirous that their form of government might be changed into that of a Roman province; as were the multitude desirous to be under kings, as their fathers had been. So the senate made a decree that Germanicus should be sent to settle the affairs of the East, fortune hereby taking a proper opportunity for depriving him of his life; for when he had been in the East, and settled all affairs there, his life was taken away by the poison which Piso gave him, as hath been related elsewhere]. 

Ant.18.3 - Caiaphas asks Aristobulus for their scrolls, Aristobulus uses the temple money to build a road and bridge for his troops, and the sedition of the priests against king Aristobulus

You might naturally think that the Romans built or intended to build an aqueduct.  But Romans were not involved at all.  The context was a civil war with opposing Jewish armies. So was Aristobulus intending to build 'a current of water'?  I think not.  He was a builder just like his father Herod.   The scale of the development was big being some 20 miles in length. Aristobulus wanted to build a road. The threat from the priests was much greater than anyone has ever thought.  Aristobulus proposed to use the resources of the temple which we know were vast.  (Later Vespasian used them to fund his army and a massive building programme in Rome.)  Aristobulus used some of this money to build a road, and a bridge across the Jordan so that he could get his troops and supplies there quickly.  The danger was coming from the other side of the Jordan where the priests had based themselves. 

1.BUT now [Pilate] {Caiaphas},[ the procurator of Judea,] {petitioned the king to} remove[d] the [army] {scrolls} from [Caesarea] {the Citadel} to [Jerusalem] {the temple},

[to take their winter quarters there, in order to abolish the Jewish laws. So he introduced Caesar's effigies which were upon the ensigns, and brought them into the city; whereas our law forbids us the very making of images;]

on which account the former [procurators] {priests} were wont to make their entry into the [city] {temple.}

[such ensigns as had not those ornaments.  Pilate was the first who brought those images to Jerusalem, and set them up there; which was done without the knowledge of the people, because it was done in the night time; but as soon as they knew it,]

They came in multitudes to [Caesarea] {Jerusalem}, and interceded with [Pilate] {Aristobulus} many days that he would remove the [images] {scrolls};

[and when he would not grant their requests, because it would tend to the injury of Caesar, while yet they persevered in their request.]

On the sixth day he ordered his soldiers to have their weapons privately while he came and sat upon his judgment-seat, which seat was so prepared in the open place of the city, that it concealed the army that lay ready to oppress them; and when the [Jews] {priests} petitioned him again, he gave a signal to the soldiers to encompass them round, and threatened that their punishment should be no less than immediate death, unless they would leave off disturbing him, and go their ways home.  

[But they threw themselves upon the ground, and laid their necks bare, and said they would take their death very willingly, rather than the wisdom of their laws should be transgressed; upon which Pilate was deeply affected with their firm resolution to keep their laws inviolable, and presently commanded the images to be carried back from Jerusalem to Caesarea].   

2.  But [Pilate] {Aristobulus} undertook to bring a [current of water]{road from the Jordan} to Jerusalem, and did it with the sacred money

[, and derived the origin of the stream from the distance of two hundred furlongs.]  

However, the [Jews] {priests} were not pleased with what had been done about this [water] {road}; and many [ten] thousands of the [people] {priests} got together, and made [a clamour] {war} against him

[, and insisted that he should leave off that design.  Some of them also used reproaches, and abused the man, as crowds of such people usually do.]

So he [habited] {sent} a great number of his soldiers 

[in their habit, who carried daggers under their garments, and sent them]

to [a place] {the Jordan} where they might [surround] {kill} them.  So 

[he bid the Jews himself go away; but they boldly casting reproaches upon him, he gave the soldiers that signal which had been beforehand agreed on; who laid upon them much greater blows than Pilate had commanded them, and equally punished those that were tumultuous, and those that were not; nor]

did they {not} spare them in the least: and since the [people] {priests} were [unarmed, and] were caught by [men] {soldiers} prepared for what they were about, there were a great number of them slain by this means, and others of them ran away wounded.  And thus an end was put to this sedition.

3. [Now there was about this time Jesus] 

{Caiaphus}, a [wise] {wicked} [man] {priest}, if it be lawful to call him a [man] {priest}; for he was a doer of [wonderful] {wicked} works, a teacher of such men as receive [the truth] {a lie} with pleasure. He drew over to him [both] many of the [Jews and many of the Gentiles] {priests}. He was [the Christ] {a messiah}. And when [Pilate] {Aristobulus}, at the suggestion of the principal men among us, had condemned him to [the cross] {death}, those that [loved] {followed} him at the first did not forsake him;

[for he appeared to them alive again the third day; as the divine prophets had foretold. These and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him.]

 And the [tribe of Christians] {sons of Zadok}, so named from him, are not extinct at this day.

4. About the same time also another sad calamity put the [Jews] {priests} into disorder. (not the next story)

A fanciful story in which Josephus prepares you for 18.3.5

[, and certain shameful practices happened about the temple of Isis that was at Rome. I will now first take notice of the wicked attempt about the temple of Isis, and will then give an account of the Jewish affairs. There was at Rome a woman whose name was Paulina; one who, on account of the dignity of her ancestors, and by the regular conduct of a virtuous life, had a great reputation: she was also very rich; and although she was of a beautiful countenance, and in that flower of her age wherein women are the most gay, yet did she lead a life of great modesty. She was married to Saturninus, one that was every way answerable to her in an excellent character .
Decius Mundus fell in love with this woman, who was a man very high in the equestrian order; and as she was of too great dignity to be caught by presents, and had already rejected them, though they had been sent in great abundance, he was still more inflamed with love to her, insomuch that he promised to give her two hundred thousand Attic drachmae for one night's lodging;  and when this would not prevail upon her, and he was not able to bear this misfortune in his amours, he thought it the best way to famish himself to death for want of food, on account of Paulina's sad refusal; and he determined with himself to die after such a manner, and he went on with his purpose accordingly. Now Mundus had a freed-woman, who had been made free by his father, whose name was Ide, one skillful in all sorts of mischief. This woman was very much grieved at the young man's resolution to kill himself, for he did not conceal his intentions to destroy himself from others, and came to him, and encouraged him by her discourse, and made him to hope, by some promises she gave him, that he might obtain a night's lodging with Paulina; and when he joyfully hearkened to her entreaty, she said she wanted no more than fifty thousand drachmae for the entrapping of the woman. So when she had encouraged the young man, and gotten as much money as she required, she did not take the same methods as had been taken before, because she perceived that the woman was by no means to be tempted by money; but as she devised the following stratagem: She went to some of Isis's priests and upon the strongest assurances of concealment, she persuaded them by words, but chiefly by the offer of money, of twenty-five thousand drachmae in hand, and as much more when the thing had taken effect; and told them the passion of the young man, and persuaded them to use all means possible to beguile the woman.  So they were drawn in to promise so to do, by that large sum of gold they were to have.  Accordingly, the oldest of them went immediately to Paulina; and upon his admittance, he desired to speak with her by herself.  When that was granted him, he told her that he was sent by the God Anubis, who was fallen in love with her, and enjoined her to come to him. Upon this she took the message very kindly, and valued herself greatly upon this condescension of Anubis, and told her husband that she had a message sent her, and was to sup and lie with Anubis; so he agreed to her acceptance of the offer, as fully satisfied with the chastity of his wife.  Accordingly, she went to the temple, and after she had supped there, and it was the hour to go to sleep, the priest shut the doors of the temple, when, in the holy part of it, the lights were also put out. Then did Mundus leap out, (for he was hidden therein,) and did not fail of enjoying her, who was at his service all the night long, as supposing he was the god; and when he was gone away, which was before those priests who knew nothing of this stratagem were stirring, Paulina came early to her husband, and told him how the God Anubis had appeared to her. Among her friends, also, she declared how great a value she put upon this favour, who partly disbelieved the thing, when they reflected on its nature, and partly were amazed at it, as having no pretense for not believing it, when they considered the modesty and the dignity of the person. But now, on the third day after what had been done, Mundus met Paulina, and said, "Nay, Paulina, thou hast saved me two hundred thousand drachmae, which sum thou mightest have added to thy own family; yet hast thou not failed to be at my service in the manner I invited thee. As for the reproaches thou hast laid upon Mundus, I value not the business of names; but I rejoice in the pleasure I reaped by what I did, while I took to myself the name of Anubis."When he had said this, he went his way.  But now she began to come to the sense of the grossness of what she had done, and rent her garments, and told her husband of the horrid nature of this wicked contrivance, and prayed him not to neglect to assist her in this case. So he discovered the fact to the emperor; whereupon Tiberius inquired into the matter thoroughly by examining the priests about it, and ordered them to be crucified, as well as Ide, who was the occasion of their perdition, and who had contrived the whole matter, which was so injurious to the woman. He also demolished the temple of Isis, and gave order that her statue should be thrown into the river Tiber; while he only banished Mundus, but did no more to him, because he supposed that what crime he had committed was done out of the passion of love. And these were the circumstances which concerned the temple of Isis, and the injuries occasioned by her priests. I now return to the relation of what happened about this time to the Jews at Rome, as I formerly told you I would.]

5. [There was a man who was a Jew] 
{Caiaphas}, [but] had been driven away from [his own country] {Judea} by an accusation laid against him for [transgressing their laws] {sedition}, and by the fear he was under of punishment for the same; [but] in all respects a wicked man. He, then living [at Rome] {in Arabia}, professed to instruct men in the wisdom of the laws of Moses.  He procured also [three] other [men] {priests}, entirely of the same character with himself, to be his partners.

These [men] {priests} persuaded [Fulvia] {Caiaphus’s wife},

[a woman of great dignity, and one that had embraced the Jewish religion,]

to send [purple and gold] {money} to
[the temple at Jerusalem; and when they had gotten]
them,

[they employed them for their own uses, and spent the money themselves, on which account it was that they at first required it of her.]  

Whereupon [Tiberius] {Aristobulus}, who had been informed 

[of the thing by Saturninus, the husband of Fulvia, who desired inquiry might be made] 

about it, ordered all the [Jews] {priests} to be banished out of [Rome] {Jerusalem};


[at which time the consuls listed four thousand men out of them, and sent them to the island Sardinia; but punished a greater number  of them, who were unwilling to become soldiers, on account of keeping the laws of their forefathers.  Thus were these Jews banished out of the city. by the wickedness of four men]. 

Ant.18.4 - Caiaphas causes trouble for king Aristobulus

Pilate is not in the history.  This was all about the Scrolls found in the Dead sea area and the priests first attempt to recover them from the Citadel.  King Aristobulus the son of Herod and father of Agrippa I is in the history.  Caiaphas was the leader of the rebel priests, along with his son Eleazar.  They had been banished from Jerusalem, probably to Arabia.  

Hyrcanus had possession of the Dead Sea Scrolls.  They were first discovered by the Maccabeans.  The Scrolls had been hidden, along with the temple treasure, by the priests, just before Judas purged the temple.    

The Citadel was never called the Antonia by anyone who lived immediately around the time of Herod.  This was Roman propaganda.  Herod was never friendly with Antony.  In effect he fought against Antony helping Augustus to defeat Egypt. This cost him his wife and family. Herod was keeping the Arabs at bay in Arabia.  The word Antonia for the Citadel was invented to blacken the name of Herod.  The name was thought of because Antonia occurs about 45 times in the rest of Ant.18 with reference to the wife of Drusus the son of Tiberias.  Josephus must have had Antonia on the brain.

BUT the [nation of the Samaritans] {priests} did not escape without tumults. [The man] {Caiaphas} who excited them to it, was one who thought lying a thing of little consequence, and who contrived every thing so that the [multitude] {priests} might be pleased; so he bid them to get together upon {the} Mount [Gerrazim] {of Olives}, which is by them looked upon as the most holy of all mountains, and assured them, that when they were come thither, he would show them those sacred [vessels] {scrolls} which were laid [under] {in} [that place] {the Citadel}, because [Moses] {Hyrcanus} put them there. So they came thither armed,

[and thought the discourse of the man improbable; and as they abode at a certain village, which was called Tirathaba, they got the rest together to them,]

and desired to go up [the mountain] {to the Citadel} in a great multitude together; but [Pilate] {Aristobulus} prevented their going up, by seizing upon the roads with a great band of horsemen and foot-men, who fell upon those that were gotten together [in the village]; and when it came to an action, some of them they slew, and others of them they put to flight, and took a great many alive, the principal of which, and also the most potent {was Caiaphas}.

[of those that fled away, Pilate ordered to be slain.]

2.[But when this tumult was appeased, the Samaritan senate sent an embassy to
Vitellius, a man that had been consul, and who was now president of Syria, and  accused Pilate of the murder of those that were killed; for that they did not go to Tirathaba in order to revolt from the Romans, but to escape the violence of Pilate. So Vitellius sent Marcellus, a friend of his, to take care of the affairs of Judea, and ordered Pilate to go to Rome, to answer before the emperor to the accusations of the Jews. So Pilate, when he had tarried ten years in Judea, made haste to Rome, and this in obedience to the orders of Vitellius, which he durst not contradict; but before he could get to Rome, Tiberius was dead. 3.But Vitellius came into Judea, and went up to Jerusalem; it was at the time of that festival which is called the Passover. Vitellius was there magnificently received, and  released the inhabitants of Jerusalem from all the taxes upon the fruits that were bought and sold, and gave them leave to have the care of the high priest's vestments, with all their ornaments, and to have them under the custody of the priests in the temple, which power they used to have formerly, although at this time they were laid up in the tower of Antonia, the citadel so called and that on the occasion following:]

[There was one of the high priests, named] 

{King} Hyrcanus

[; and as there were many of that name, he was the first of them; this man]

built a [tower] {fortress} near the temple, and when he had so done, he generally dwelt in it, and had these [vestments] {scrolls} with him, because it was lawful for him alone to [put them on] {read them}, and he had them there reposited.

[When he went down into the city, and took his ordinary garments; the same things were continued to be done by his sons, and by their sons after them].

When Herod came to be king, he

[rebuilt this tower, which was very conveniently situated, in a magnificent manner; and because he was a friend to Antonius, he called it by the name of Antonia. And as he found these vestments lying there, he]

retained them in the same place, as believing, that while he had them in his custody, the [people] {priests} would make no innovations against him. The like to what Herod did was done by his son [Archelaus] {Aristobulus}, who was made king after him;

[after whom the Romans, when they entered on the government, took possession of these vestments of the high priest, and had them reposited in a stone-chamber, under the seal of the priests, and of the keepers of the temple, the captain of the guard lighting a lamp there every day; and seven days before a festival they were delivered to them by the captain of the guard, when the high priest, having purified them, and made use of them, laid them up again in the same chamber where they had been laid up before, and this the very next day after the feast was over. This was the practice at the three yearly festivals, and on the fast day; but Vitellius put those garments into our own power, as in the days of our forefathers, and ordered the captain of the guard not to trouble himself to inquire where they were laid, or when they were to be used; and this he did as an act of kindness, to oblige the nation to him.  Besides which, He also deprived Joseph, who was also called Caiaphas, of the high priesthood, and appointed Jonathan the son of Ananus, the former high priest, to succeed him. After which, he took his journey back to Antioch].

4. Moreover, Tiberius sent a letter to [Vitellius] {Aristobulus}, and commanded him to make a league of friendship with [Artabanus, the king of Parthia] {Caiaphas}; for while he was his enemy, he terrified him, [because he had taken Armenia away from him,] lest he should proceed further, and told him he should no otherwise trust him than upon his giving him hostages, and especially his son [Artabanus] {Eleazar}.  

[Upon Tiberius's writing thus to Vitellius, by the offer of great presents of money, he persuaded both the king of Iberia and the king of Albania to make no delay, but to fight against Artabanus; and although they would not do it themselves, yet did they give the Scythians a passage through their country, and opened the Caspian gates to them, and brought them upon Artabanus. So Armenia was again taken from the Parthians, and the country of Parthia was filled with war, and the principal of their men were slain, and all things were in disorder among them: the king's son also himself fell in these wars, together with. many ten thousands of his army. Vitellius had also sent such great sums of money to Artabanus's father's kinsmen and friends, that he had almost procured him to be slain by the means of those bribes which they had taken. And when Artabanus perceived that the plot laid against him was not to be avoided, because it was laid by the principal men, and those a great many in number, and that it would certainly take effect, — when he had estimated the number of those that were truly faithful to him, as also of those who were already corrupted, but were deceitful in the kindness they professed to him, and were likely, upon trial, to go over to his enemies, he made his escape to the upper provinces, where he afterwards raised a great army out of the Dahae and Sacre, and fought with his enemies, and retained his principality.]

5.When [Tiberius] {Caiaphas} had heard of [these things] {this}, he desired to have a league of friendship made between him and [Artabanus] {Aristobulus}; and when, upon this invitation, he received the proposal kindly, [Artabanus] {Aristobulus} and [Vitellius] {Caiaphas} went to [Euphrates] {the Jordan}, and as a bridge was laid over the river, they each of them came with their guards about them, and met one another on the midst of the bridge.  And when they had agreed upon the terms of peace [Herod, the tetrarch] {Aristobulus} erected a rich tent on the midst of the passage, and made them a feast there. [Artabanus] {Caiaphas} also, not long afterward, sent his son [Darius] {Eleazar} as an hostage,

[with many presents, among which there was a man seven cubits tall, a Jew he was by birth, and his name was Eleazar, who, for his tallness, was called a giant.]

after which [Vitellius] {Aristobulus} went to [Antioch] {Jerusalem}, and [Artabanus] {Caiaphas} to [Babylon] {Arabia};

but [Herod the tetrarch] {Aristobulus} being desirous to give Caesar the [first] information that they had obtained hostages, sent posts with letters, wherein he had accurately described all the particulars, and had left nothing [for the consular Vitellius to inform him of.] {to chance}.

[But when Vitellius's letters were sent, and Caesar had let him know that he was acquainted with the affairs already, because Herod had given him an account of them before, Vitellius was very much troubled at it; and supposing that he had been thereby a greater sufferer than he really was, he kept up a secret anger upon this occasion, till he could be revenged on him, which he was after Caius had taken the government.]

6. About this time it was that [Philip] {Aristobulus}, Herod's ' [brother] {son}, departed this life, in the twentieth year of the reign of Tiberius, after he had been

[tetrarch of Trachonitis and Gaulanitis, and]

{king} of the nation of the [Bataneans also,] {Jews} thirty-seven years. He had showed himself a person of moderation and quietness in the conduct of his life and government; 

[he constantly lived in that country which was subject to him;] 

he used to make his progress with a few chosen friends; his tribunal also, on which he sat in judgment, followed him in his progress; and when any one met him who wanted his assistance, he made no delay, but had his tribunal set down immediately, wheresoever he happened to be, and sat down upon it, and heard his complaint: he there ordered the guilty that were convicted to be punished, and absolved those that had been accused unjustly. He died at [Julias] {Jerusalem}; and when he was carried to that monument which he had already erected for himself beforehand, he was buried with great pomp. His principality [Tiberius] {Agrippa} took.

[, for he left no sons behind him, and added it to the province of Syria, but gave order that the tributes which arose from it should be collected, and laid up in his tetrachy.] 

Ant.18.5 - Agrippa made king and immediately has to fight Caiaphas

Herod the Tetrarch (Herod’s brother), Aretas, Aretas’s daughter, Herodias, John the Baptist, Philip and Vitellius are woven by the editor into a fanciful story, removing Agrippa from the history.  Josephus had previously replaced the actual reign of Aristobulus with direct rule from Rome.  He was now going to do the same with a large proportion of the reign of his son Agrippa over Judea. The period of Roman rule is thus artificially extended. Aristobulus's rule is eliminated and Agrippa's rule is reduced to four years.  In fact Agrippa ruled up until approximately 64 CE when he was killed by the priests. 

This chapter describes events just after the death of Aristobulus.  At the time he became king (succeeding his father Aristobulus), Agrippa was living in Rome (as his father had done before he became king). He sailed for Israel, not knowing what was ahead.  On arrival in Judea he found that Caiaphas had broken his league of friendship that he had made with his father, and was raising an army.   Agrippa’s general at Machaerus was aware of what Caiaphas was about and was commanded to give battle. Caiaphas and his army were defeated. Agrippa sent Caiaphas to Tiberius in Rome where he was executed.

1. [About this time Aretas the king of Arabia Petrea, and Herod had a quarrel on the account following.  Herod the tetrarch had, married the daughter of Aretas, and had lived with her a great while; but when he was once at Rome, he lodged with Herod, who was his brother indeed, but not by the same mother; for this Herod was the son of the high priest Simon's daughter. However, he fell in love with Herodias, this last Herod's wife, who was the daughter of Aristobulus their brother, and the sister of Agrippa the Great.  This man ventured to talk to her about a marriage between them, which address, when she admitted, an agreement was made for her to change her habitation, and come to him as soon as he should return from Rome.  One article of this marriage also was this, that he should divorce Aretas's daughter.]

So [Antipas] {Agrippa} [,when he had made this agreement,] sailed to [Rome] {Judea}; but

[when he had done there the business he went about, and was returned again, his wife,] 

having discovered the [agreement] {league of friendship his father} had made with [Herodias] {Caiaphas} {had been broken and Caiaphas was raising his army}  

[and having learned it before he had notice of her knowledge of the whole design, she desired him to send her to Machaerus, which is a place in the borders of the dominions of Aretas and Herod, without informing him of any of her intentions; accordingly Herod sent her thither, as thinking his wife had not perceived any thing; now she]

{Agrippa} [had] sent [a good while before] to Machaerus, which was subject to

[her father and so all things necessary for her journey were made ready for her by]

the general of [Aretas's] {Agrippa’s} army;

[and by that means she soon came into Arabia, under the conduct of the several generals, who carried her from one to another successively; and she soon came to her father,]

and told him of [Herod's] {Caiaphus’s} intentions.  

[So Aretas made this the first occasion of his enmity between him and Herod, who had also some quarrel with him about their limits at the country of Gamalitis.]

So they [raised armies on] both sides, and] prepared for war, and sent their generals to fight instead of themselves; and when they had joined battle, all [Herod's] {Caiaphus’s} army was destroyed

[, by the treachery of some fugitives, though they were of the tetrarchy of Philip joined with Aretas's army.] 

So [Herod] {Agrippa} wrote about these affairs to Tiberius, who being very angry at the attempt made by [Aretas] {Caiaphas}, wrote to [Vitellius] {Agrippa} to
make war upon him, and [either to take him alive, and bring him to him in bonds, or to] kill him[, and send him his head]. This was the charge that Tiberius  gave to the [president of Syria] {king}.

2.Now some of the [Jews] {prophets} thought that the destruction of [Herod's] {Caiaphus’s} army came from God, and that very justly, as a punishment of what he did against [John] {Agrippa} [that was called the Baptist]. For [Herod] {Agrippa} [slew him, who was a good man, and] commanded the [Jews] {people} to exercise [virtue] {purity}, both as to righteousness towards one another, and piety towards God.

[, and so to come to baptism; for that the washing with water would be acceptable to him, if they made use of it, not in order to the putting away of some sins only, but for the purification of the body; supposing still that the soul was thoroughly purified beforehand by righteousness.  Now when many others came in crowds about him, for they were very greatly moved or pleased by hearing his words,  Herod, who feared lest the great influence John had over the people might put it into his power and inclination to raise a rebellion, for they seemed ready to do anything he should advise, thought it best ,by putting him to death, to prevent any mischief he might cause, and not bring himself into difficulties, by sparing a man who might make him repent of it when it would be too late.]

Accordingly [he] {Caiaphas} was sent a prisoner, [out of Herod's suspicious temper,]
to Machaerus [, the castle I before mentioned,] and was there put to death.  Now the [Jews] {prophets} had an opinion that the destruction of this army was sent as a punishment upon [Herod] {Caiaphas}, and a mark of God's displeasure to him.

3.[So Vitellius prepared to make war with Aretas taking with him two legions of armed men; he also took with him all those of light armature, and of the horsemen which belonged to them, and were drawn out of those kingdoms which were under the Romans, and made haste for Petra, and came to Ptolemais. But as he was marching very busily, and leading his army through Judea, the principal men met him, and desired that he would not thus march through their land; for that the laws of their country would not permit them to overlook those images which were brought into it, of which there were a great many in their ensigns; so he was persuaded by what they said, and changed that resolution of his which he had before taken in this matter. Whereupon he ordered the army to march along the great plain, while he himself, with Herod the tetrarch and his friends, went up to Jerusalem to offer sacrifice to God, an ancient festival of the Jews being then just approaching; and when he had been there, and been honourably entertained by the multitude of the Jews, he made a stay there for three days, within which time he deprived Jonathan of the high priesthood, and gave it to his brother Theophilus. But when on the fourth day letters came to him, which informed him of the death of Tiberius, he obliged the multitude to take an oath of fidelity to Caius; he also recalled his army, and made them every one go home, and take their winter quarters there, since, upon the devolution of the empire upon Caius, he had not the like authority of making this war which he had before. It was also reported, that when Aretas heard of the coming of Vitellius to fight him, he said, upon his consulting the diviners, that it was impossible that this army of Vitellius's could enter Petra; for that one of the rulers would die, either he that gave orders for the war, or he that was marching at the other's desire, in order to be subservient to his will, or else he against whom this army is prepared.  So Vitellius truly retired to Antioch; but Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, went up to Rome, a year before the death of Tiberius, in order to treat of some affairs with the emperor, if he might be permitted so to do. I have now a mind to describe Herod and his family, how it fared with them, partly because it is suitable to this history to speak of that matter, and partly because this thing is a demonstration of the interposition of Providence, how a multitude of children is of no advantage, no more than any other strength that mankind set their hearts upon, besides those acts of piety which are done towards God; for it happened, that, within the revolution of a hundred years, the posterity of Herod, which were a great many in number, were, excepting a few, utterly destroyed.  One may well apply this for the instruction of mankind, and learn thence how unhappy they were: it will also show us the history of Agrippa, who, as he was a person most worthy of admiration, so was he from a private man, beyond all the expectation of those that knew him, advanced to great power and authority. I have said something of them formerly, but I shall now also speak accurately about them.]

4.[Herod the Great had two daughters by Mariamne, the grand daughter of Hyrcanus; the one was Salampsio, who was married to Phasaelus, her first cousin, who was himself the son of Phasaelus, Herod's brother, her father making the match; the other was Cypros, who was herself married also to her first cousin Antipater, the son of Salome, Herod's sister. Phasaelus had five children by Salampsio; Antipater, Herod, and Alexander, and two daughters, Alexandra and Cypros; which last Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, married; and Timius of Cyprus married Alexandra; he was a man of note, but had by her no children.

Agrippa had by Cypros two sons and three daughters, which daughters were named Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusius; but the names of the sons were Agrippa and Drusus, of which Drusus died. before he came to the years of puberty; but their father, Agrippa, was brought up with his other brethren, Herod and Aristobulus, for these were also the sons of the son of Herod the Great by Bernice; but Bernice was the daughter of Costobarus and of Salome, who was Herod's sister. Aristobulus left these infants when he was slain by his father, together with his brother Alexander, as we have already related. But when they were arrived at years of puberty, this Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married Mariamne, the daughter of Olympias, who was the daughter of Herod the king, and of Joseph, the son of Joseph, who was brother to Herod the king, and had by her a son, Aristobulus;  but Aristobulus, the third brother of Agrippa, married Jotape, the daughter of Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa; they had a daughter who was deaf, whose name also was Jotape; and these hitherto were the children of the male line. But Herodias, their sister, was married to Herod Philip, the son of Herod the Great, who was born of Mariamne, the daughter of Simon the high priest, who had a daughter, Salome; after whose birth Herodias took upon her to confound the laws of our country, and divorced herself from her husband while he was alive, and was married to Herod Antipas, her husband's brother by the father's side, he was tetrarch of Galilee; but her daughter Salome was married to Philip, the son of Herod, and tetrarch of Trachonitis; and as he died childless, Aristobulus, the son of Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married her; they had three sons, Herod, Agrippa, and Aristobulus; and this was the posterity of Phasaelus and Salampsio. But the daughter of Antipater by Cypros was Cypros, whom Alexas Selcias, the son of Alexas, married; they had a daughter, Cypros; but Herod and Alexander, who, as we told you, were the brothers of Antipater, died childless. As to Alexander, the son of Herod the king, who was slain by his father, he had two sons, Alexander and Tigranes, by the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who was king of Armenia, was accused at Rome, and died childless; Alexander had a son of the same name with his brother Tigranes, and was sent to take possession of the kingdom of Armenia by Nero; he had a son, Alexander, who married Jotape, the daughter of Antiochus, the king of Commagene; Vespasian made him king of an island in Cilicia. But these descendants of Alexander, soon after their birth, deserted the Jewish religion, and went over to that of the Greeks. But for the rest of the daughters of Herod the king, it happened that they died childless. And as these descendants of Herod, whom we have enumerated, were in being at the same time that Agrippa the Great took the kingdom, and I have now given an account of them, it now remains that I relate the several hard fortunes which befell Agrippa, and how he got clear of them, and was advanced to the greatest height of dignity and power.] 

Ant.18.6 - All padding and dissimulation  

King Agrippa going to visit Tiberius Caesar in Rome, his accusation by his own freed-man, his imprisonment, being set at liberty by Caius after Tiberius’s so-called death, and being made king of the tetrarchy of Philip and the tetrarchy of Lysanias, by Caius is also fabrication. The whole of this chapter is fabricated from other events, some of which could have been true, but they were not in context, or relevant, as far as Agrippa was concerned. This was all intended to reduce the time that Agrippa was king of Judea.  He wasn’t called Agrippa the Great for a rule of only four years. The Flavians could then say that the previous Roman administration was to blame for triggering the Jewish revolt.  

1.[A little before the death of Herod the king, Agrippa lived at Rome, and was generally brought up and conversed with Drusus, the emperor Tiberius's son, and contracted a friendship with Antonia, the wife of Drusus the Great, who had his mother Bernice in great esteem, and was very desirous of advancing her son. Now as Agrippa was by nature magnanimous and generous in the presents he made, while his mother was alive, this inclination of his mind did not appear, that he might be able to avoid her anger for such his extravagance; but when Bernice was dead, and he was left to his own conduct,  he spent a great deal  extravagantly in his daily way of living, and a great deal in the immoderate presents he made, and those chiefly among Caesar's freed-men, in order to gain their assistance. Insomuch that he was, in a little time, reduced to poverty, and could not live at Rome any longer.  Tiberius also forbade the friends of his deceased son to come into his sight, because on seeing them he should be put in mind of his son, and his grief would thereby be revived.]

2. [For these reasons he went away from Rome, and sailed to Judea, but in evil circumstances, being dejected with the loss of that money which he once had, and because he had not wherewithal to pay his creditors, who were many in number, and such as gave him no room for escaping them. Whereupon he knew not what to do; so, for shame of his present condition, he retired to a certain tower, at Malatha, in Idumea, and had thoughts of killing himself; but his wife Cypros perceived his intentions, and tried all sorts of methods to divert him from his taking such a course; so she sent a letter to his sister Herodias, who was now the wife of Herod the tetrarch, and let her know Agrippa's present design, and what necessity it was which drove him thereto, and desired her, as a kinswoman of his, to give him her help, and to engage her husband to do the same, since she saw how she alleviated these her husband's troubles all she could, although she had not the like wealth to do it withal. So they sent for him, and allotted him Tiberias for his habitation, and appointed him some income of money for his maintenance, and made him a magistrate of that city, by way of honour to him. Yet did not Herod long continue in that resolution of supporting him, though even that support was not sufficient for him; for as once they were at a feast at Tyre, and in their cups, and reproaches were cast upon one another, Agrippa thought that was not to be borne, while Herod hit him in the teeth with his poverty, and with his owing his necessary food to him. So he went to Flaccus, one that had been consul, and had been a very great friend to him at Rome formerly, and was now president of Syria.]

3. [Hereupon Flaccus received him kindly, and he lived with him. Flaccus had also with him there Aristobulus, who was indeed Agrippa's brother, but was at variance with him; yet did not their enmity to one another hinder the friendship of Flaccus to them both, but still they were honorably treated by him. However, Aristobulus did not abate of his ill-will to Agrippa, till at length he brought him into ill terms with Flaccus; the occasion of bringing on which estrangement was this: The Damascens  were at difference with the Sidonians about their limits, and when Flaccus was about to hear the cause between them, they understood that Agrippa had a mighty influence upon him; so they desired that he would be of their side, and for that favour promised him a great deal of money; so he was zealous in assisting the Damascens as far as he was able. Now Aristobulus had gotten intelligence of this promise of money to him, and accused him to Flaccus of the same; and when, upon a thorough examination of the matter, it appeared plainly so to be, he rejected Agrippa out of the number of his friends. So he was reduced to the utmost necessity, and came to Ptolemais; and because he knew not where else to get a livelihood, he thought to sail to Italy; but as he was restrained from so doing by want of money, he desired Marsyas, who was his freed-man, to find some method for procuring him so much as he wanted for that purpose, by borrowing such a sum of some person or other. So Marsyas desired of Peter, who was the freed-man of Bernice, Agrippa's mother, and by the right of her testament was bequeathed to Antonia, to lend so much upon Agrippa's own bond and security; but he accused Agrippa of having defrauded him of certain sums of money, and so obliged Marsyas, when he made the bond of twenty thousand Attic drachmae, to accept of twenty-five hundred drachma as less than what he desired, which the other allowed of, because he could not help it. Upon the receipt of this money, Agrippa came to Anthedon, and took shipping, and was going to set sail; but Herennius Capito, who was the procurator of Jamhis, sent a band of soldiers to demand of him three hundred thousand drachmae of silver, which were by him owing to Caesar's treasury while he was at Rome, and so forced him to stay. He then pretended that he would do as he bid him; but when night came on, he cut his cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexandria, where he desired Alexander the alabarch to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae; but he said he would not lend it to him, but would not refuse it to Cypros, as greatly astonished at her affection to her husband, and at the other instances of her virtue; so she undertook to repay it. Accordingly, Alexander paid them five talents at Alexandria, and promised to pay them the rest of that sum at Dicearchia Puteoli; and this he did out of the fear he was in that Agrippa would soon spend it. So this Cypros set her husband free, and dismissed him to go on with his navigation to Italy, while she and her children departed for Judea.]

4. [And now Agrippa was come to Puteoli, whence he wrote a letter to Tiberius Caesar, who then lived at Capreae, and told him that he was come so far in order to wait on him, and to pay him a visit; and desired that he would give him leave to come over to Capreae: so Tiberius made no difficulty, but wrote to him in an obliging way in other respects; and withal told him he was glad of his safe return, and desired him to come to Capreae; and when he was come, he did not fail to treat him as kindly as he had promised him in his letter to do. But the next day came a letter to Caesar from Herennius Capito, to inform him that Agrippa had borrowed three hundred thousand drachmae, and not paid it at the time appointed; but when it was demanded of him, he ran away like a fugitive, out of the places under his government, and put it out of his power to get the money of him. When Caesar had read this letter, he was much troubled at it, and gave order that Agrippa should be excluded from his presence until he had paid that debt: upon which he was no way daunted at Caesar's anger, but entreated Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, and of Claudius, who was afterward Caesar himself, to lend him those three hundred thousand drachmae, that he might not be deprived of Tiberius's friendship; so, out of regard to the memory of Bernice his mother, (for those two women were very familiar with one another,) and out of regard to his and Claudius's education together, she lent him the money; and, upon the payment of this debt, there was nothing to hinder Tiberius's friendship to him. After this, Tiberius Caesar recommended to him his grandson, and ordered that he should always accompany him when he went abroad. But upon Agrippa's kind reception by Antonia, he betook him to pay his respects to Caius, who was her grandson, and in very high reputation by reason of the good-will they bare his father. Now there was one Thallus, a freed-man of Caesar, of whom he borrowed a million of drachmae, and thence repaid Antonia the debt he owed her; and by sending the overplus in paying his court to Caius, became a person of great authority with him.]

5. [Now as the friendship which Agrippa had for Caius was come to a great height, there happened some words to pass between them, as they once were in a chariot together, concerning Tiberius; Agrippa praying to God (for they two sat by themselves) that Tiberius might soon go off the stage, and leave the government to Caius, who was in every respect more worthy of it. Now Eutychus, who was Agrippa's freed-man, and drove his chariot, heard these words, and at that time said nothing of them; but when Agrippa accused him of stealing some garments of his, (which was certainly true,) he ran away from him; but when he was caught, and brought before Piso, who was governor of the city, and the man was asked why he ran away, be replied, that he had somewhat to say to Caesar, that tended to his security and preservation: so Piso bound him, and sent him to Capreae. But Tiberius, according to his usual custom, kept him still in bonds, being a delayer of affairs, if ever there was any other king or tyrant that was so; for he did not admit ambassadors quickly, and no successors were despatched away to governors or procurators of the provinces that had been formerly sent, unless they were dead; whence it was that he was so negligent in hearing the causes of prisoners; insomuch that when he was asked by his friends what was the reason of his delay in such cases, he said that he delayed to hear ambassadors, lest, upon their quick dismission, other ambassadors should be appointed, and return upon him; and so he should bring trouble upon himself in their public reception and dismission: that he permitted those governors who had been sent once to their government to stay there a long while, out of regard to the subjects that were under them; for that all governors are naturally disposed to get as much as they can; and that those who are not to fix there, but to stay a short time, and that at an uncertainty when they shall be turned out, do the more severely hurry themselves on to fleece the people; but that if their government be long continued to them; they are at last satiated with the spoils, as having gotten a vast deal, and so become at length less sharp in their pillaging; but that if successors are sent quickly, the poor subjects, who are exposed to them as a prey, will not be able to bear the new ones, while they shall not have the same time allowed them wherein their predecessors had filled themselves, and so grew more unconcerned about getting more; and this because they are removed before they have had time for their oppressions. He gave them an example to show his meaning: A great number of flies came about the sore places of a man that had been wounded; upon which one of the standers-by pitied the man's misfortune, and thinking he was not able to drive those flies away himself, was going to drive them away for him; but he prayed him to let them alone: the other, by way of reply, asked him the reason of such a preposterous proceeding, in preventing relief from his present misery; to which he answered, "If thou drivest these flies away, thou wilt hurt me worse; for as these are already full of my blood, they do not crowd about me, nor pain me so much as before, but are somewhat more remiss, while the fresh ones that come almost famished, and find me quite tired down already, will be my destruction. For this cause, therefore, it is that I am myself careful not to send such new governors perpetually to those my subjects, who are already sufficiently harassed by many oppressions, as may, like these flies, further distress them; and so, besides their natural desire of gain, may have this additional incitement to it, that they expect to be suddenly deprived of that pleasure which they take in it." And, as a further attestation to what I say of the dilatory nature of Tiberius, I appeal to this his practice itself; for although he was emperor twenty-two years, he sent in all but two procurators to govern the nation of the Jews, Gratus, and his successor in the government, Pilate. Nor was he in one way of acting with respect to the Jews, and in another with respect to the rest of his subjects. He further informed them, that even in the hearing of the causes of prisoners, he made such delays, because immediate death to those that must be condemned to die would be an alleviation of their present miseries, while those wicked wretches have not deserved any such favor; "but I do it, that, by being harassed with the present calamity, they may undergo greater misery."]

6. [On this account it was that Eutychus could not obtain a bearing, but was kept still in prison. However, some time afterward, Tiberius came from Capreae to Tusculanum, which is about a hundred furlongs from Rome. Agrippa then desired of Antonia that she would procure a hearing for Eutychus, let the matter whereof he accused him prove what it would. Now Antonia was greatly esteemed by Tiberius on all accounts, from the dignity of her relation to him, who had been his brother Drusus's wife, and from her eminent chastity; for though she was still a young woman, she continued in her widowhood, and refused all other matches, although Augustus had enjoined her to be married to somebody else; yet did she all along preserve her reputation free from reproach. She had also been the greatest benefactress to Tiberius, when there was a very dangerous plot laid against him by Sejanus, a man who had been her husband's friend, and wire had the greatest authority, because he was general of the army, and when many members of the senate and many of the freed-men joined with him, and the soldiery was corrupted, and the plot was come to a great height. Now Sejanus had certainly gained his point, had not Antonia's boldness been more wisely conducted than Sejanus's malice; for when she had discovered his designs against Tiberius, she wrote him an exact account of the whole, and gave the letter to Pallas, the most faithful of her servants, and sent him to Capreae to Tiberius, who, when he understood it, slew Sejanus and his confederates; so that Tiberius, who had her in great esteem before, now looked upon her with still greater respect, and depended upon her in all things. So when Tiberius was desired by this Antonia to examine Eutychus, he answered, "If indeed Eutychus hath falsely accused Agrippa in what he hath said of him, he hath had sufficient punishment by what I have done to him already; but if, upon examination, the accusation appears to be true, let Agrippa have a care, lest, out of desire of punishing his freed-man, he do not rather bring a punishment upon himself." Now when Antonia told Agrippa of this, he was still much more pressing that the matter might be examined into; so Antonia, upon Agrippa's lying hard at her continually to beg this favour, took the following opportunity: As Tiberius lay once at his ease upon his sedan, and was carried about, and Caius, her grandson, and Agrippa, were before him after dinner she walked by the sedan, and desired him to call Eutychus, and have him examined; to which he replied, "O Antonia! the gods are my witnesses that I am induced to do what I am going to do, not by my own inclination, but because I am forced to it by thy prayers." When he had said this, he ordered Macro, who succeeded Sejanus, to bring Eutychus to him; accordingly, without any delay, he was brought. Then Tiberius asked him what he had to say against a man who had given him his liberty. Upon which he said, "O my lord! this Caius, and Agrippa with him, were once riding in a chariot, when I sat at their feet, and, among other discourses that passed, Agrippa said to Caius, Oh that the day would once come when this old fellow will dies and name thee for the governor of the habitable earth! for then this Tiberius, his grandson, would be no hinderance, but would be taken off by thee, and that earth would be happy, and I happy also." Now Tiberius took these to be truly Agrippa's words, and bearing a grudge withal at Agrippa, because, when he had commanded him to pay his respects to Tiberius, his grandson, and the son of Drusus, Agrippa had not paid him that respect, but had disobeyed his commands, and transferred all his regard to Caius; he said to Macro, "Bind this man." But Macro, not distinctly knowing which of them it was whom he bid him bind, and not expecting that he would have any such thing done to Agrippa, he forbore, and came to ask more distinctly what it was that he said. But when Caesar had gone round the hippodrome, he found Agrippa standing: "For certain," said he, "Macro, this is the man I meant to have bound;" and when he still asked, "Which of these is to be bound?" he said "Agrippa." Upon which Agrippa betook himself to make supplication for himself, putting him in mind of his son, with whom he was brought up, and of Tiberius his grandson whom he had educated; but all to no purpose; for they led him about bound even in his purple garments. It was also very hot weather, and they had but little wine to their meal, so that he was very thirsty; he was also in a sort of agony, and took this treatment of him heinously: as he therefore saw one of Caius's slaves, whose name was Thaumastus, carrying some water in a vessel, he desired that he would let him drink; so the servant gave him some water to drink, and he drank heartily, and said, "O thou boy! this service of thine to me will be for thy advantage; for if I once get clear of these my bonds, I will soon procure thee thy freedom of Caius who has not been wanting to minister to me now I am in bonds, in the same manner as when I was in my former state and dignity." Nor did he deceive him in what he promised him, but made him amends for what he had now done; for when afterward Agrippa was come to the kingdom, he took particular care of Thaumastus, and got him his liberty from Caius, and made him the steward over his own estate; and when he died, he left him to Agrippa his son, and to Bernice his daughter, to minister to them in the same capacity. The man also grew old in that honorable post, and therein died. But all this happened a good while later.]

7. [Now Agrippa stood in his bonds before the royal palace, and leaned on a certain tree for grief, with many others,. who were in bonds also; and as a certain bird sat upon the tree on which Agrippa leaned, (the Romans call this bird bubo,) [an owl,] one of those that were bound, a German by nation, saw him, and asked a soldier who that man in purple was; and when he was informed that his name was Agrippa, and that he was by nation a Jew, and one of the principal men of that nation, he asked leave of the soldier to whom he was bound, to let him come nearer to him, to speak with him; for that he had a mind to inquire of him about some things relating to his country; which liberty, when he had obtained, and as he stood near him, he said thus to him by an interpreter: "This sudden change of thy condition, O young man! is grievous to thee, as bringing on thee a manifold and very great adversity; nor wilt thou believe me, when I foretell how thou wilt get clear of this misery which thou art now under, and how Divine Providence will provide for thee. Know therefore (and I appeal to my own country gods, as well as to the gods of this place, who have awarded these bonds to us) that all I am going to say about thy concerns shall neither be said for favor nor bribery, nor out of an endeavor to make thee cheerful without cause; for such predictions, when they come to fail, make the grief at last, and in earnest, more bitter than if the party had never heard of any such thing. However, though I run the hazard of my own self, I think it fit to declare to thee the prediction of the gods. It cannot be that thou shouldst long continue in these bonds; but thou wilt soon be delivered from them, and wilt be promoted to the highest dignity and power, and thou wilt be envied by all those who now pity thy hard fortune; and thou wilt be happy till thy death, and wilt leave thine happiness to the children whom thou shalt have. But do thou remember, when thou seest this bird again, that thou wilt then live but five days longer. This event will be brought to pass by that God who hath sent this bird hither to be a sign unto thee. And I cannot but think it unjust to conceal from thee what I foreknow concerning thee, that, by thy knowing beforehand what happiness is coming upon thee, thou mayst not regard thy present misfortunes. But when this happiness shall actually befall thee, do not forget what misery I am in myself, but endeavor to deliver me." So when the German had said this, he made Agrippa laugh at him as much as he afterwards appeared worthy of admiration. But now Antonia took Agrippa's misfortune to heart: however, to speak to Tiberius on his behalf, she took to be a very difficult thing, and indeed quite impracticable, as to any hope of success; yet did she procure of Macro, that the soldiers that kept him should be of a gentle nature, and that the centurion who was over them and was to diet with him, should be of the same disposition, and that he might have leave to bathe himself every day, and that his freed-men and friends might come to him, and that other things that tended to ease him might be indulged him. So his friend Silas came in to him, and two of his freed-men, Marsyas and Stechus, brought him such sorts of food as he was fond of, and indeed took great care of him; they ,also brought him garments, under pretense of selling them; and when night came on, they laid them under him; and the soldiers assisted them, as Macro had given them order to do beforehand. And this was Agrippa's condition for six months' time, and in this case were his affairs.]

8. [But for Tiberius, upon his return to Capreae, he fell sick. At first his distemper was but gentle; but as that distemper increased upon him, he had small or no hopes of recovery. Hereupon he bid Euodus, who was that freed-man whom he most of all respected, to bring the children to him, for that he wanted to talk to them before he died. Now he had at present no sons of his own alive for Drusus, who was his only son, was dead; but Drusus's son Tiberius was still living, whose additional name was Gemellus: there was also living Caius, the son of Germanicus, who was the son of his brother Drusus. He was now grown up, and had a liberal education, and was well improved by it, and was in esteem and favour with the people, on account of the excellent character of his father Germanicus, who had attained the highest honour among the multitude, by the firmness of his virtuous behaviour, by the easiness and agreeableness of his conversing with the multitude, and because the dignity he was in did not hinder his familiarity with them all, as if they were his equals; by which behaviour he was not only greatly esteemed by the people and the senate, but by every one of those nations that were subject to the Romans; some of which were affected when they came to him with the gracefulness of their reception by him, and others were affected in the same manner by the report of the others that had been with him; and, upon his death, there was a lamentation made by all men; not such a one as was to be made in way of flattery to their rulers, while they did but counterfeit sorrow, but such as was real; while every body grieved at his death, as if they had lost one that was near to them. And truly such had been his easy conversation with men, that it turned greatly to the advantage of his son among all; and, among others, the soldiery were so peculiarly affected to him, that they reckoned it an eligible thing, if need were, to die themselves, if he might but attain to the government.]

9.[But when Tiberius had given order to Euodus to bring the children to him the next day in the morning, he prayed to his country gods to show him a manifest signal which of those children should come to the government; being very desirous to leave it to his son's son, but still depending upon what God should foreshow concerning them more than upon his own opinion and inclination; so he made this to be the omen, that the government should be left to him who should come to him first the next day. When he had thus resolved within himself, he sent to his grandson's tutor, and ordered him to bring the child to him early in the morning, as supposing that God would permit him to be made emperor. But God proved opposite to his designation; for while Tiberius was thus contriving matters, and as soon as it was at all day, he bid Euodus to call in that child which should be there ready. So he went out, and found Caius before the door, for Tiberius was not yet come, but staid waiting for his breakfast; for Euodus knew nothing of what his lord intended; so he said to Caius, "Thy father calls thee," and then brought him in. As soon as Tiberius saw Caius, and not before, he reflected on the power of God, and how the ability of bestowing the government on whom he would was entirely taken from him; and thence he was not able to establish what he had intended. So he greatly lamented that his power of establishing what he had before contrived was taken from him, and that his grandson Tiberius was not only to lose the Roman empire by his fatality, but his own safety also, because his preservation would now depend upon such as would be more potent than himself, who would think it a thing not to be borne, that a kinsman should live with them, and so his relation would not be able to protect him; but he would be feared and bated by him who had the supreme authority, partly on account of his being next to the empire, and partly on account of his perpetually contriving to get the government, both in order to preserve himself, and to be at the head of affairs also. Now Tiberius had been very much given to astrology, and the calculation of nativities, and had spent his life in the esteem of what predictions had proved true, more than those whose profession it was. Accordingly, when he once saw Galba coming in to him, he said to his most intimate friends, that there came in a man that would one day have the dignity of the Roman empire. So that this Tiberius was more addicted to all such sorts of diviners than any other of the Roman emperors, because he had found them to have told him truth in his own affairs. And indeed he was now in great distress upon this accident that had befallen him, and was very much grieved at the destruction of his son's son, which he foresaw, and complained of himself, that he should have made use of such a method of divination beforehand, while it was in his power to have died without grief by this knowledge of futurity; whereas he was now tormented by his foreknowledge of the misfortune of such as were dearest to him, and must die under that torment. Now although he was disordered at this unexpected revolution of the government to those for whom he did not intend it, he spake thus to Caius, though unwillingly, and against his own inclination: "O child! although Tiberius be nearer related to me than thou art, I, by my own determination, and the conspiring suffrage of the gods, do give and put into thy hand the Roman empire; and I desire thee never to be unmindful when thou comest to it, either of my kindness to thee, who set thee in so high a dignity, or of thy relation to Tiberius. But as thou knowest that I am, together with and after the gods, the procurer of so great happiness to thee; so I desire that thou wilt make me a return for my readiness to assist thee, and wilt take care of Tiberius because of his near relation to thee. Besides which, thou art to know, that while Tiberius is alive, he will be a security to thee, both as to empire and as to thy own preservation; but if he die, that will be but a prelude to thy own misfortunes; for to be alone under the weight of such vast affairs is very dangerous; nor will the gods suffer those actions which are unjustly done, contrary to that law which directs men to act otherwise, to go off unpunished." This was the speech which Tiberius made, which did not persuade Caius to act accordingly, although he promised so to do; but when he was settled in the government, he took off this Tiberius, as was predicted by the other Tiberius; as he was also himself, in no long time afterward, slain by a secret plot laid against him.]

10. [So when Tiberius had at this time appointed Caius to be his successor, he outlived but a few days, and then died, after he had held the government twenty-two years five months and three days. Now Caius was the fourth emperor. But when the Romans understood that Tiberius was dead, they rejoiced at the good news, but had not courage to believe it; not because they were unwilling it should be true, for they would have given huge sums of money that it might be so, but because they were afraid, that if they had showed their joy when the news proved false, their joy should be openly known, and they should be accused for it, and be thereby undone. For this Tiberius had brought a vast number of miseries on the best families of the Romans, since he was easily inflamed with passion in all cases, and was of such a temper as rendered his anger irrevocable, till he had executed the same, although he had taken a hatred against men without reason; for he was by nature fierce in all the sentences he gave, and made death the penalty for the lightest offenses; insomuch that when the Romans heard the rumour about his death gladly, they were restrained from the enjoyment of that pleasure by the dread of such miseries as they foresaw would follow, if their hopes proved ill-grounded. Now Marsyas, Agrippa's freed-man, as soon as he heard of Tiberius's death, came running to tell Agrippa the news; and finding him going out to the bath, he gave him a nod, and said, in the Hebrew tongue, "The lion is dead;" who, understanding his meaning, and being overjoyed at the news, "Nay," said he, "but all sorts of thanks and happiness attend thee for this news of thine; only I wish that what thou sayest may prove true." Now the centurion who was set to keep Agrippa, when he saw with what haste Marsyas came, and what joy Agrippa had from what he said, he had a suspicion that his words implied some great innovation of affairs, and he asked them about what was said. They at first diverted the discourse; but upon his further pressing, Agrippa, without more ado, told him, for he was already become his friend; so he joined with him in that pleasure which this news occasioned, because it would be fortunate to Agrippa, and made him a supper. But as they were feasting, and the cups went about, there came one who said that Tiberius was still alive, and would return to the city ill a few days. At which news the centurion was exceedingly troubled, because he had done what might cost him his life, to have treated so joyfully a prisoner, and this upon the news of the death of Caesar; so he thrust Agrippa from the couch whereon he lay, and said, "Dost thou think to cheat me by a lie about the emperor without punishment? and shalt not thou pay for this thy malicious report at the price of thine head?" When he had so said, he ordered Agrippa to be bound again, (for he had loosed him before,) and kept a severer guard over him than formerly, and in that evil condition was Agrippa that night; but the next day the rumour increased in the city, and confirmed the news that Tiberius was certainly dead; insomuch that men durst now openly and freely talk about it; nay, some offered sacrifices on that account. Several letters also came from Caius; one of them to the senate, which informed them of the death of Tiberius, and of his own entrance on the government; another to Piso, the governor of the city, which told him the same thing. He also gave order that Agrippa should be removed out of the camp, and go to that house where he lived before he was put in prison; so that he was now out of fear as to his own affairs; for although he was still in custody, yet it was now with ease to his own affairs.
Now, as soon as Caius was come to Rome, and had brought Tiberius's dead body with him, and had made a sumptuous funeral for him, according to the laws of his country, he was much disposed to set Agrippa at liberty that very day; but Antonia hindered him, not out of any ill-will to the prisoner, but out of regard to decency in Caius, lest that should make men believe that he received the death of Tiberius with pleasure, when he loosed one whom he had bound immediately. However, there did not many days pass ere he sent for him to his house, and had him shaved, and made him change his raiment; after which he put a diadem upon his head, and appointed him to be king of the tetrarchy of Philip. He also gave him the tetrarchy of Lysanias, and changed his iron chain for a golden one of equal weight. He also sent Marullus to be procurator of Judea.]

11. [Now, in the second year of the reign of Caius Caesar, Agrippa desired leave to be given him to sail home, and settle the affairs of his government; and he promised to return again, when he had put the rest in order, as it ought to be put. So, upon the emperor's permission, he came into his own country, and appeared to them all unexpectedly as asking, and thereby demonstrated to the men that saw him the power of fortune, when they compared his former poverty with his present happy affluence; so some called him a happy man, and others could not well believe that things were so much changed with him for the better.]

Ant.18. 8. - The main cause of the civil war between the Priests and the Prophets 

That Caius wanted to erect his statue in the temple and threatened to send a Roman general Petronius if he wasn’t allowed, was Flavian propaganda.   There was no embassy of the Jews to Caius.  Agrippa was a reliable friend. 

The tumult was between priests and prophets over sacrifice.  The prophets didn’t accept it. Judas Maccabeus had purged the temple and animal sacrifice had been banned and the priests exiled from the temple.  Judas had removed the altar for burnt offering. The priests wanted to build the altar again.  That the priests were not in the temple and that sacrifice was no longer practiced by the priests is shown by the fact that the priests wanted to erect an altar.

The two parties sent representatives to speak to Agrippa.  An important priest, possibly Ananias or Ananus, was chosen to represent the priests. The probable leader chosen to represent  the prophets was Simon.  (He was captured after Vespasian destroyed the temple, taken on Vespasian’s triumph and executed as a finale to it. War 7.5.6; 7.153,154,155 ).

1.THERE was now a tumult arisen at [Alexandria] {Jerusalem}, between the [Jewish inhabitants] {priests} and the [Greeks] {prophets}; and three [ambassadors] {representatives} were chosen out of each party that were at variance, who came to [Caius] {Agrippa}. Now one of these [ambassadors] {representatives} from the [people of Alexandria] {the priests} was [Apion] {Ananus}, who uttered many blasphemies against the [Jews] {prophets}; and, among other things that he said, he charged them with [neglecting the honours that belonged to Caesar] {rejecting sacrifice};

[for that while all who were subject to the Roman empire built altars and temples to Caius, and in other regards universally received him as they received the gods, these Jews]

{the prophets} alone thought it a dishonourable thing for [them] {the priests} to erect [statues] {an altar} 

[in honour of him, as well as to swear by his name.]

Many [of these] severe things were said by [Apion] {Ananus}, by which he hoped to provoke [Caius] {Agrippa} to anger at the [Jews] {prophets}, as he was likely to be.

But [Philo,] {Simon} the principal of the [Jewish embassage] {prophets},

[a man eminent on all accounts, brother to Alexander the alabarch, and]

one not unskillful in [philosophy] {the law}, was ready to betake himself to make his defense against those accusations;

[but Caius  prohibited him, and bid him begone; he was also in such a rage, that it openly appeared he was about to do them some very great mischief.  So]

[Philo]  {Simon} [being thus affronted, went out,] and said to those [Jews] {prophets} who were about him, that they should be of good courage, since [Caius's] {Agrippa’s} words indeed showed anger at [them] {the priests}

[, but in reality had already set God against himself].

2. Hereupon [Caius] {Agrippa}, taking it very heinously that he should be thus [despised] {petitioned} by the [Jews] {priests} alone,

[sent Petronius to be president of Syria, and successor in the government to Vitellius, and gave him order to make an invasion into Judea, with  a great body of troops; and if they would admit of his statue willingly,]

to erect [it] {an altar} in the temple 

[of God; but if they were obstinate, to conquer them by war, and then to do it. Accordingly, Petronius took the government of Syria, and made haste to obey Caesar's epistle. He got together as great a number of auxiliaries as he possibly could, and took with him two legions of the Roman army, and came to Ptolemais, and there wintered, as intending to set about the war in the spring.]

[He] {Agrippa} also wrote word to Caius what he had resolved to do, who commended him for his alacrity, and ordered him to go on, and to make war with [them] {the priests}, in case they would not obey his commands. 


The remainder of the chapter is the writer's padding and dissimulation.