Saturday, December 27, 2014

Antiquities 12.1,2 , , , 6




Ptolemy the son of Lagus was given the denomination of Saviour because he rescued the prophets from persecution by the priests and allowed them to live in Egypt.  He was able to get possession of Jerusalem easily with the help of the prophets.  The Roman editor invoked Agatharchcides to say that the reason Jerusalem fell to Ptolemy was because the Jews (in general) were “not willing to take arms” and that this was due to what he describes as an “unseasonable superstition”. He says they were at rest on the Sabbath day when Ptolemy came into the city. The editor gives the game away. Here we have a particular group, the prophets, who were pacifists.  the prophets obviously invited Ptolemy into their city. 

Ptolemy invited the prophets into Egypt because he knew that they were faithful in their worship of God, rejected war, and importantly they had skills such as farming.  The editor also gives the game away when he says “there were not a few other Jews  who, of their own accord, went into Egypt, as invited by the goodness of the soil, and by the liberality of Ptolemy”.  These folk were agriculturists.     

1.NOW when Alexander, king of Macedon, had put an end to the dominion of the Persians, and had settled the affairs of Judea after the forementioned manner, he ended his life; and as his government fell among many, Antigonus obtained Asia; Seleucus, Babylon; and of the other nations which were there, Lysimachus governed the Hellespont, and Cassander possessed Macedonia; as did Ptolemy the son of Lagus seize upon Egypt: and while these princes ambitiously strove one against another, every one for his own principality, it came to pass that 

[there were continual wars, and those lasting wars too; and the cities were sufferers, and lost a great many of their inhabitants in these times of distress, insomuch that all Syria, by the means of]

Ptolemy the son of Lagus, [underwent the reverse of that] {was given the} denomination of Saviour [, which he then had]. He [also seized upon] {took} Jerusalem, 

[and for that end made use of deceit and treachery; for as he came into the city on a sabbath day, as if he would offer sacrifices he,]

without any trouble, [gained the city,] while the [Jews] {prophets} [did not oppose] {helped} him, 

[for they did not suspect him to be their enemy; and he gained it thus, because they were free from suspicion of him, and because on that day they were at rest and quietness; and when he had gained it, he ruled over it in a cruel manner. Nay, Agatharchides of Cnidus, who wrote the acts of Alexander's successors, reproaches us with superstition, as if we, by it, had lost our liberty; where he says thus: "There is a nation called the nation of the Jews, who inhabit a city strong and great, named Jerusalem. These men took no care, but let it come into the hands of Ptolemy, as not willing to take arms, and thereby they submitted to be under a hard master, by reason of their unseasonable superstition." This is what Agatharchides relates of our nation.] 

But [when] Ptolemy [had taken] {invited} a great many [captives] {prophets}, [both from the mountainous parts of Judea, and] from [the places about] Jerusalem 

[and Samaria, and the places near Mount Gerizzim, he led them all]

into Egypt, [and settled them there. And] as he knew that the [people] {prophets} of Jerusalem were most faithful in the observation of [oaths and covenants] {the worship of God}; 

[and this from the answer they made to Alexander, when he sent an embassage to them, after he had beaten Darius in battle; so he distributed many of them into garrisons, and at Alexandria gave them equal privileges of citizens with the Macedonians themselves; and required of them to take their oaths, that they would keep their fidelity to the posterity of those who committed these places to their care. Nay, there were not a few other Jews who, of their own accord, went into Egypt, as invited by the goodness of the soil, and by the liberality of Ptolemy. However, there were disorders among their posterity, with relation to the Samaritans, on account of their resolution to preserve that conduct of life which was delivered to them by their forefathers, and they thereupon contended one with another, while those of Jerusalem said that their temple was holy, and resolved not to send their sacrifices thither; but the Samaritans were resolved that they should be sent to Mount Gerizzim].





Ptolemy had no need to get translators and interpreters from Judea to produce a Greek version of the Hebrew bible. Ptolemy had many prophets living in Egypt who were very capable and could do the job in an unbiased way. The king’s intention was to make sure the translation had a high degree of integrity. The prophets (Essenes) were experts in reading the scriptures in Hebrew, and by living in Egypt would also be experts in Greek.

The prophets were well aware that the Jewish priests had re-interpreted the books of the prophets. The priest’s use of pesher was an attempt to undermine the prophets. And here in Chapter 2, we have the Roman editor’s blatant attempt to claim credit that it was the Jews of Jerusalem, the priests, who were responsible for providing a supposedly accurate version of the Hebrew scriptures, and the translators to boot. The priests were even supposed to have been showered with gifts from Ptolemy, in thanks. All the letters between king and high priest and the gifts made by the king are a fabrication. The editor lied when he has Demetrius, supposedly speaking to the king, say (12.2.4) (Loeb 12.36): “And I let you know that we want the books of the Jewish legislation, with some others; for they are written in the Hebrew characters, and being in the language of that nation are to us unknown.” This gives the impression that the king wasn’t aware that there were thousands of Jews living in Egypt.  Many of those would have been dedicated readers of the Hebrew scriptures as well as knowing Greek. The editor refers to “some others”, by which I presume he means the books of the prophets, as distinct from the books of the Jewish legislation, the Pentateuch. We can see the editor’s bias.   His emphasis on the Law, Jewish legislation, the high priesthood, ‘send six of the elders of every tribe’ (really!), etc., gives his little game away.

I believe it was Tobias, a prophet or a follower of the prophets, who arranged for the translation into Greek. This was done with the agreement of Ptolemy for the benefit of Jews living in Egypt who knew Greek.  This had nothing to do with freeing captive Jews.  The prophets had already been rescued from persecution (as in Chapter 1).

1.[WHEN Alexander had reigned twelve years, and after him Ptolemy Soter forty years, Philadelphus then took the kingdom of Egypt, and held it forty years within one.]

[He] {Ptolemy} procured the [law] {books of the Jews} to be [interpreted] {transcribed}

[, and set free those that were come from Jerusalem into Egypt, and were in slavery there, who were a hundred and twenty thousand. The occasion was this: Demetrius Phalerius, who was library keeper to the king, was now endeavoring, if it were possible, to gather together all the books that were in the habitable earth, and buying whatsoever was any where valuable, or agreeable to the king's inclination, (who was very earnestly set upon collecting of books,) to which inclination of his Demetrius was zealously subservient. And when once Ptolemy asked him how many ten thousands of books he had collected, he replied, that he had already about twenty times ten thousand; but that, in a little time, he should have fifty times ten thousand. But be said he had been informed that there were many books of laws among the Jews worthy of inquiring after, and worthy of the king's library, but which, being written in characters and in a dialect of their own, will cause no small pains in getting them translated into the Greek tongue; that the character in which they are written seems to be like to that which is the proper character of the Syrians, and that its sound, when pronounced, is like theirs also; and that this sound appears to be peculiar to themselves. Wherefore he said that nothing hindered why they might not get those books to be translated also; for while nothing is wanting that is necessary for that purpose, we may have their books also in this library. So the king thought that Demetrius was very zealous to procure him abundance of books, and that he suggested what was exceeding proper for him to do; and therefore he wrote to the Jewish high priest, that he should act accordingly.]

2.Now there was one [Aristeus] {Tobias}, who was among the king's most intimate friends, and on account of his [modesty] {piety} very acceptable to him.

[This Aristeus resolved frequently, and that before now, to petition the king that he would set all the captive Jews in his kingdom free; and he thought this to be a convenient opportunity for the making that petition. So he discoursed, in the first place, with the captains of the king's guards, Sosibius of Tarentum, and Andreas, and persuaded them to assist him in what he was going to intercede with the king for.]

Accordingly [Aristeus] {Tobias}

[embraced the same opinion with those that have been before mentioned, and went to the king, and]

made the following speech to him: "It is not fit for us, O king, to overlook things hastily, or to deceive ourselves, but to lay the truth open. For since we have determined not only to get the [laws] {books} of the Jews transcribed, but interpreted also, for thy satisfaction,

[by what means can we do this, while so many of the Jews are now slaves in thy kingdom? Do thou then what will be agreeable to thy magnanimity, and to thy good nature: free them from the miserable condition they are in, because that God, who supporteth thy kingdom, was the author of their laws as I have learned by particular inquiry; for both these people, and we also, worship the same God the framer of all things. We call him, and that truly, by the name of GREEK, or life, or Jupiter, because he breathes life into all men. Wherefore do thou restore these men to their own country, and this do to the honour of God, because these men pay a peculiarly excellent worship to him. And know this further, that though I be not of kin to them by birth, nor one of the same country with them, yet do I desire these favours to be done them, since all men are the workmanship of God; and I am sensible that he is well-pleased with those that do good. I do therefore put up this petition to thee, to do good to them."]

3.[When Aristeus was saying thus, the king looked upon him with a cheerful and joyful countenance, and said, "How many ten thousands dost thou suppose there are of such as want to be made free?" To which Andreas replied, as he stood by, and said," A few more than ten times ten thousand." The king made answer, "And is this a small gift that thou askest, Aristeus?" But Sosibius, and the rest that stood by, said that he ought to offer such a thank-offering as was worthy of his greatness of soul, to that God who had given him his kingdom. With this answer he was much pleased; and gave order, that when they paid the soldiers their wages, they should lay down a hundred and twenty drachmas for every one of the slaves? And he promised to publish a magnificent decree, about what they requested, which should confirm what Aristeus had proposed, and especially what God willed should be done; whereby he said he would not only set those free who had been led away captive by his father and his army, but those who were in this kingdom before, and those also, if any such there were, who had been brought away since. And when they said that their redemption money would amount to above four hundred talents, he granted it. A copy of which decree I have determined to preserve, that the magnanimity of this king may be made known. Its contents were as follows: "Let all those who were soldiers under our father, and who, when they overran Syria and Phoenicia, and laid waste Judea, took the Jews captives, and made them slaves, and brought them into our cities, and into this country, and then sold them; as also all those that were in my kingdom before them, and if there be any that have been lately brought thither, - be made free by those that possess them; and let them accept of a hundred and twenty drachmas for every slave. And let the soldiers receive this redemption money with their pay, but the rest out of the king's treasury: for I suppose that they were made captives without our father's consent, and against equity; and that their country was harassed by the insolence of the soldiers, and that, by removing them into Egypt, the soldiers have made a great profit by them. Out of regard therefore to justice, and out of pity to those that have been tyrannized over, contrary to equity, I enjoin those that have such Jews in their service to set them at liberty, upon the receipt of the before-mentioned sum; and that no one use any deceit about them, but obey what is here commanded. And I will that they give in their names within three days after the publication of this edict, to such as are appointed to execute the same, and to produce the slaves before them also, for I think it will be for the advantage of my affairs. And let every one that will inform against those that do not obey this decree, and I will that their estates be confiscated into the king's treasury." When this decree was read to the king, it at first contained the rest that is here inserted, and omitted only those Jews that had formerly been brought, and those brought afterwards, which had not been distinctly mentioned; so he added these clauses out of his humanity, and with great generosity. he also gave order that the payment, which was likely to be done in a hurry, should be divided among the king's ministers, and among the officers of his treasury. When this was over, what the king had decreed was quickly brought to a conclusion; and this in no more than seven days' time, the number of the talents paid for the captives being above four hundred and sixty, and this, because their masters required the hundred and twenty drachmas for the children also, the king having, in effect, commanded that these should be paid for, when he said in his decree, that they should receive the forementioned sum for every slave.]

4.Now [when this had been done after so magnificent a manner,] according to the king's inclinations, he gave order to [Demetrius] {Tobias} to give him in writing his sentiments concerning the transcribing of the Jewish books; for no part of the administration is done rashly by these kings, but all things are managed with great circumspection.

[On which account I have subjoined a copy of these epistles, and set down the multitude of the vessels sent as gifts to Jerusalem, and the construction of every one, that the exactness of the artificers' workmanship, as it appeared to those that saw them, and which workman made every vessel, may be made manifest, and this on account of the excellency of the vessels themselves. Now the copy of the epistle was to this purpose: "Demetrius to the great king. When thou, O king, gavest me a charge concerning the collection of books that were wanting to fill your library, and concerning the care that ought to be taken about such as are imperfect, I have used the utmost diligence about those matters. And I let you know, that we want the books of the Jewish legislation, with some others; for they are written in the Hebrew characters, and being in the language of that nation, are to us unknown. It hath also happened to them, that they have been transcribed more carelessly than they ought to have been, because they have not had hitherto royal care taken about them. Now it is necessary that thou shouldst have accurate copies of them. And indeed this legislation is full of hidden wisdom, and entirely blameless, as being the legislation of God; for which cause it is, as Hecateus of Abdera says, that the poets and historians make no mention of it, nor of those men who lead their lives according to it, since it is a holy law, and ought not to be published by profane mouths. If then it please thee, O king, thou mayst write to the high priest of the Jews, to send six of the elders out of every tribe, and those such as are most skillful of the laws, that by their means we may learn the clear and agreeing sense of these books, and may obtain an accurate interpretation of their contents, and so may have such a collection of these as may be suitable to thy desire."]

5. [When this epistle was sent to the king, he commanded that an epistle should be drawn up for Eleazar, the Jewish high priest, concerning these matters; and that they should inform him of the release of the Jews that had been in slavery among them. He also sent fifty talents of gold for the making of large basons, and vials, and cups, and an immense quantity of precious stones. He also gave order to those who had the custody of the chest that contained those stones, to give the artificers leave to choose out what sorts of them they pleased. He withal appointed, that a hundred talents in money should be sent to the temple for sacrifices, and for other uses. Now I will give a description of these vessels, and the manner of their construction, but not till after I have set down a copy of the epistle which was written to Eleazar the high priest, who had obtained that dignity on the occasion following: When Onias the high priest was dead, his son Simon became his successor. He was called Simon the Just because of both his piety towards God, and his kind disposition to those of his own nation. When he was dead, and had left a young son, who was called Onias, Simon's brother Eleazar, of whom we are speaking, took the high priesthood; and he it was to whom Ptolemy wrote, and that in the manner following: "King Ptolemy to Eleazar the high priest, sendeth greeting. There are many Jews who now dwell in my kingdom, whom the Persians, when they were in power, carried captives. These were honored by my father; some of them he placed in the army, and gave them greater pay than ordinary; to others of them, when they came with him into Egypt, he committed his garrisons, and the guarding of them, that they might be a terror to the Egyptians. And when I had taken the government, I treated all men with humanity, and especially those that are thy fellow citizens, of whom I have set free above a hundred thousand that were slaves, and paid the price of their redemption to their masters out of my own revenues; and those that are of a fit age, I have admitted into them number of my soldiers. And for such as are capable of being faithful to me, and proper for my court, I have put them in such a post, as thinking this kindness done to them to be a very great and an acceptable gift, which I devote to God for his providence over me. And as I am desirous to do what will be grateful to these, and to all the other Jews in the habitable earth, I have determined to procure an interpretation of your law, and to have it translated out of Hebrew into Greek, and to be deposited in my library. Thou wilt therefore do well to choose out and send to me men of a good character, who are now elders in age, and six in number out of every tribe. These, by their age, must be skillful in the laws, and of abilities to make an accurate interpretation of them; and when this shall be finished, I shall think that I have done a work glorious to myself. And I have sent to thee Andreas, the captain of my guard, and Aristeus, men whom I have in very great esteem; by whom I have sent those first-fruits which I have dedicated to the temple, and to the sacrifices, and to other uses, to the value of a hundred talents. And if thou wilt send to us, to let us know what thou wouldst have further, thou wilt do a thing acceptable to me."]

6.[When this epistle of the king was brought to Eleazar, he wrote an answer to it with all the respect possible: "Eleazar the high priest to king Ptolemy, sendeth greeting. If thou and thy queen Arsinoe, and thy children, be well, we are entirely satisfied. When we received thy epistle, we greatly rejoiced at thy intentions; and when the multitude were gathered together, we read it to them, and thereby made them sensible of the piety thou hast towards God. We also showed them the twenty vials of gold, and thirty of silver, and the five large basons, and the table for the shew-bread; as also the hundred talents for the sacrifices, and for the making what shall be needful at the temple; which things Andreas and Aristeus, those most honored friends of thine, have brought us; and truly they are persons of an excellent character, and of great learning, and worthy of thy virtue. Know then that we will gratify thee in what is for thy advantage, though we do what we used not to do before; for we ought to make a return for the numerous acts of kindness which thou hast done to our countrymen. We immediately, therefore, offered sacrifices for thee and thy sister, with thy children and friends; and the multitude made prayers, that thy affairs may be to thy mind, and that thy kingdom may be preserved in peace, and that the translation of our law may come to the conclusion thou desirest, and be for thy advantage. We have also chosen six elders out of every tribe, whom we have sent, and the law with them. It will be thy part, out of thy piety and justice, to send back the law, when it hath been translated, and to return those to us that bring it in safety. Farewell."]

7. [This was the reply which the high priest made. But it does not seem to me to be necessary to set down the names of the seventy two elders who were sent by Eleazar, and carried the law, which yet were subjoined at the end of the epistle. However, I thought it not improper to give an account of those very valuable and artificially contrived vessels which the king sent to God, that all may see how great a regard the king had for God; for the king allowed a vast deal of expenses for these vessels, and came often to the workmen, and viewed their works, and suffered nothing of carelessness or negligence to be any damage to their operations. And I will relate how rich they were as well as I am able, although perhaps the nature of this history may not require such a description; but I imagine I shall thereby recommend the elegant taste and magnanimity of this king to those that read this history.]

8. [And first I will describe what belongs to the table. It was indeed in the king's mind to make this table vastly large in its dimensions; but then he gave orders that they should learn what was the magnitude of the table which was already at Jerusalem, and how large it was, and whether there was a possibility of making one larger than it. And when he was informed how large that was which was already there, and that nothing hindered but a larger might be made, he said that he was willing to have one made that should be five times as large as the present table; but his fear was, that it might be then useless in their sacred ministrations by its too great largeness; for he desired that the gifts he presented them should not only be there for show, but should be useful also in their sacred ministrations. According to which reasoning, that the former table was made of so moderate a size for use, and not for want of gold, he resolved that he would not exceed the former table in largeness; but would make it exceed it in the variety and elegancy of its materials. And as he was sagacious in observing the nature of all things, and in having a just notion of what was new and surprising, and where there was no sculptures, he would invent such as were proper by his own skill, and would show them to the workmen, he commanded that such sculptures should now be made, and that those which were delineated should be most accurately formed by a constant regard to their delineation.]

9. [When therefore the workmen had undertaken to make the table, they framed it in length two cubits and a half, in breadth one cubit, and in height one cubit and a half; and the entire structure of the work was of gold. They withal made a crown of a hand-breadth round it, with wave-work wreathed about it, and with an engraving which imitated a cord, and was admirably turned on its three parts; for as they were of a triangular figure, every angle had the same disposition of its sculptures, that when you turned them about, the very same form of them was turned about without any variation. Now that part of the crown-work that was enclosed under the table had its sculptures very beautiful; but that part which went round on the outside was more elaborately adorned with most beautiful ornaments, because it was exposed to sight, and to the view of the spectators; for which reason it was that both those sides which were extant above the rest were acute, and none of the angles, which we before told you were three, appeared less than another, when the table was turned about. Now into the cordwork thus turned were precious stones inserted, in rows parallel one to the other, enclosed in golden buttons, which had ouches in them; but the parts which were on the side of the crown, and were exposed to the sight, were adorned with a row of oval figures obliquely placed, of the most excellent sort of precious stones, which imitated rods laid close, and encompassed the [table] {altar} round about. But under these oval figures, thus engraven, the workmen had put a crown all round it, where the nature of all sorts of fruit was represented, insomuch that the bunches of grapes hung up. And when they had made the stones to represent all the kinds of fruit before mentioned, and that each in its proper colour, they made them fast with gold round the whole table. The like disposition of the oval figures, and of the engraved rods, was framed under the crown, that the table might on each side show the same appearance of variety and elegancy of its ornaments; so that neither the position of the wave-work nor of the crown might be different, although the table were turned on the other side, but that the prospect of the same artificial contrivances might be extended as far as the feet; for there was made a plate of gold four fingers broad, through the entire breadth of the table, into which they inserted the feet, and then fastened them to the table by buttons and button-holes, at the place where the crown was situate, that so on what side soever of the table one should stand, it might exhibit the very same view of the exquisite workmanship, and of the vast expenses bestowed upon it: but upon the table itself they engraved a meander, inserting into it very valuable stones in the middle like stars, of various colours; the carbuncle and the emerald, each of which sent out agreeable rays of light to the spectators; with such stones of other sorts also as were most curious and best esteemed, as being most precious in their kind. Hard by this meander a texture of net-work ran round it, the middle of which appeared like a rhombus, into which were inserted rock-crystal and amber, which, by the great resemblance of the appearance they made, gave wonderful delight to those that saw them. The chapters of the feet imitated the first buddings of lilies, while their leaves were bent and laid under the table, but so that the chives were seen standing upright within them. Their bases were made of a carbuncle; and the place at the bottom, which rested on that carbuncle, was one palm deep, and eight fingers in breadth. Now they had engraven upon it with a very fine tool, and with a great deal of pains, a branch of ivy and tendrils of the vine, sending forth clusters of grapes, that you would guess they were nowise different from real tendrils; for they were so very thin, and so very far extended at their extremities, that they were moved with the wind, and made one believe that they were the product of nature, and not the representation of art. They also made the entire workmanship of the table appear to be threefold, while the joints of the several parts were so united together as to be invisible, and the places where they joined could not be distinguished. Now the thickness of the table was not less than half a cubit. So that this gift, by the king's great generosity, by the great value of the materials, and the variety of its exquisite structure, and the artificer's skill in imitating nature with graying tools, was at length brought to perfection, while the king was very desirous, that though in largeness it were not to be different from that which was already dedicated to God, yet that in exquisite workmanship, and the novelty of the contrivances, and in the splendor of its construction, it should far exceed it, and be more illustrious than that was.]

10. [Now of the cisterns of gold there were two, whose sculpture was of scale-work, from its basis to its belt-like circle, with various sorts of stones enchased in the spiral circles. Next to which there was upon it a meander of a cubit in height; it was composed of stones of all sorts of colors. And next to this was the rod-work engraven; and next to that was a rhombus in a texture of net-work, drawn out to the brim of the basin, while small shields, made of stones, beautiful in their kind, and of four fingers' depth, filled up the middle parts. About the top of the basin were wreathed the leaves of lilies, and of the convolvulus, and the tendrils of vines in a circular manner. And this was the construction of the two cisterns of gold, each containing two firkins. But those which were of silver were much more bright and splendid than looking-glasses, and you might in them see the images that fell upon them more plainly than in the other. The king also ordered thirty vials; those of which the parts that were of gold, and filled up with precious stones, were shadowed over with the leaves of ivy and of vines, artificially engraven. And these were the vessels that were after an extraordinary manner brought to this perfection, partly by the skill of the workmen, who were admirable in such fine work, but much more by the diligence and generosity of the king, who not only supplied the artificers abundantly, and with great generosity, with what they wanted, but he forbade public audiences for the time, and came and stood by the workmen, and saw the whole operation. And this was the cause why the workmen were so accurate in their performance, because they had regard to the king, and to his great concern about the vessels, and so the more indefatigably kept close to the work.]

11. [And these were what gifts were sent by Ptolemy to Jerusalem, and dedicated to God there. But when Eleazar the high priest had devoted them to God, and had paid due respect to those that brought them, and had given them presents to be carried to the king, he dismissed them. And when they were come to Alexandria, and Ptolemy heard that they were come, and that the seventy elders were come also, he presently sent for Andreas and Aristens, his ambassadors, who came to him, and delivered him the epistle which they brought him from the high priest, and made answer to all the questions he put to them by word of mouth. He then made haste to meet the elders that came from Jerusalem for the interpretation of the laws; and he gave command, that every body who came on other occasions should be sent away, which was a thing surprising, and what he did not use to do; for those that were drawn thither upon such occasions used to come to him on the fifth day, but ambassadors at the month's end. But when he had sent those away, he waited for these that were sent by Eleazar; but as the old men came in with the presents, which the high priest had given them to bring to the king, and with the membranes, upon which they had their laws written in golden letters he put questions to them concerning those books; and when they had taken off the covers wherein they were wrapt up, they showed him the membranes. So the king stood admiring the thinness of those membranes, and the exactness of the junctures, which could not be perceived; (so exactly were they connected one with another;) and this he did for a considerable time. He then said that he returned them thanks for coming to him, and still greater thanks to him that sent them; and, above all, to that God whose laws they appeared to be. Then did the elders, and those that were present with them, cry out with one voice, and wished all happiness to the king. Upon which he fell into tears by the violence of the pleasure he had, it being natural to men to afford the same indications in great joy that they do under sorrows. And when he had bid them deliver the books to those that were appointed to receive them, he saluted the men, and said that it was but just to discourse, in the first place, of the errand they were sent about, and then to address himself to themselves. He promised, however, that he would make this day on which they came to him remarkable and eminent every year through the whole course of his life; for their coming to him, and the victory which he gained over Antigonus by sea, proved to be on the very same day. He also gave orders that they should sup with him; and gave it in charge that they should have excellent lodgings provided for them in the upper part of the city.]

12. [Now he that was appointed to take care of the reception of strangers, Nicanor by name, called for Dorotheus, whose duty it was to make provision for them, and bid him prepare for every one of them what should be requisite for their diet and way of living; which thing was ordered by the king after this manner: he took care that those that belonged to every city, which did not use the same way of living, that all things should be prepared for them according to the custom of those that came to him, that, being feasted according to the usual method of their own way of living, they might be the better pleased, and might not be uneasy at any thing done to them from which they were naturally averse. And this was now done in the case of these men by Dorotheus, who was put into this office because of his great skill in such matters belonging to common life; for he took care of all such matters as concerned the reception of strangers, and appointed them double seats for them to sit on, according as the king had commanded him to do; for he had commanded that half of their seats should be set at his right hand, and the other half behind his table, and took care that no respect should be omitted that could be shown them. And when they were thus set down, he bid Dorotheus to minister to all those that were come to him from Judea, after the manner they used to be ministered to; for which cause he sent away their sacred heralds, and those that slew the sacrifices, and the rest that used to say grace; but called to one of those that were come to him, whose name was Eleazar, who was priest, and desired him to say grace; who then stood in the midst of them, and prayed, that all prosperity might attend the king, and those that were his subjects. Upon which an acclamation was made by the whole company, with joy and a great noise; and when that was over, they fell to eating their supper, and to the enjoyment of what was set before them. And at a little interval afterward, when the king thought a sufficient time had been interposed, he began to talk philosophically to them, and he asked every one of them a philosophical question and such a one as might give light in those inquiries; and when they had explained all the problems that had been proposed by the king about every point, he was well-pleased with their answers. This took up the twelve days in which they were treated; and he that pleases may learn the particular questions in that book of Aristeus, which he wrote on this very occasion.]

13.[And while not the king only, but the philosopher Menedemus also, admired them, and said that all things were governed by Providence, and that it was probable that thence it was that such force or beauty was discovered in these men's words, they then left off asking any more such questions. But the king said that he had gained very great advantages by their coming, for that he had received this profit from them, that he had learned how he ought to rule his subjects. And he gave order that they should have every one three talents given them, and that those that were to conduct them to their lodging should do it. Accordingly, when three days were over, Demetrius took them, and went over the causeway seven furlongs long: it was a bank in the sea to an island. And when they had gone over the bridge, he proceeded to the northern parts, and showed them where they should meet, which was in a house that was built near the shore, and was a quiet place, and fit for their discoursing together about their work. When he had brought them thither, he entreated them (now they had all things about them which they wanted for the interpretation of their law) that they would suffer nothing to interrupt them in their work. Accordingly, they made an accurate interpretation, with great zeal and great pains, and this they continued to do till the ninth hour of the day; after which time they relaxed, and took care of their body, while their food was provided for them in great plenty: besides, Dorotheus, at the king's command, brought them a great deal of what was provided for the king himself. But in the morning they came to the court and saluted Ptolemy, and then went away to their former place, where, when they had washed their hands, and purified themselves, they betook themselves to the interpretation of the laws. Now when the law was transcribed, and the labor of interpretation was over, which came to its conclusion in seventy-two days, Demetrius gathered all the Jews together to the place where the laws were translated, and where the interpreters were, and read them over. The multitude did also approve of those elders that were the interpreters of the law. They withal commended Demetrius for his proposal, as the inventor of what was greatly for their happiness; and they desired that he would give leave to their rulers also to read the law. Moreover, they all, both the priest and the ancientest of the elders, and the principal men of their commonwealth, made it their request, that since the interpretation was happily finished, it might continue in the state it now was, and might not be altered. And when they all commended that determination of theirs, they enjoined, that if any one observed either any thing superfluous, or any thing omitted, that he would take a view of it again, and have it laid before them, and corrected; which was a wise action of theirs, that when the thing was judged to have been well done, it might continue for ever.]

14. [So the king rejoiced when he saw that his design of this nature was brought to perfection, to so great advantage; and he was chiefly delighted with hearing the Laws read to him; and was astonished at the deep meaning and wisdom of the legislator. And he began to discourse with Demetrius, "How it came to pass, that when this legislation was so wonderful, no one, either of the poets or of the historians, had made mention of it." Demetrius made answer, "that no one durst be so bold as to touch upon the description of these laws, because they were Divine and venerable, and because some that had attempted it were afflicted by God." He also told him, that "Theopompus was desirous of writing somewhat about them, but was thereupon disturbed in his mind for above thirty days' time; and upon some intermission of his distemper, he appeased God (by prayer), as suspecting that his madness proceeded from that cause." Nay, indeed, he further saw in a dream, that his distemper befell him while he indulged too great a curiosity about Divine matters, and was desirous of publishing them among common men; but when he left off that attempt, he recovered his understanding again. Moreover, he informed him of Theodectes, the tragic poet, concerning whom it was reported, that when in a certain dramatic representation he was desirous to make mention of things that were contained in the sacred books, he was afflicted with a darkness in his eyes; and that upon his being conscious of the occasion of his distemper, and appeasing God by prayer, he was freed from that affliction.]

15. And when the king had received these books from [Demetrius] {Tobias}, [as we have said already], he adored them, and gave order that great care should be taken of them, that they might remain uncorrupted. He also desired that the interpreters would come often to him [out of Judea], and that both on account of the respects that he would pay them, and on account of the presents he would make them;

[for he said it was now but just to send them away, although if, of their own accord, they would come to him hereafter, they should obtain all that their own wisdom might justly require, and what his generosity was able to give them. So he then sent them away, and gave to every one of them three garments of the best sort, and two talents of gold, and a cup of the value of one talent, and the furniture of the room wherein they were feasted. And these were the things he presented to them. But by them he sent to Eleazar the high priest ten beds, with feet of silver, and the furniture to them belonging, and a cup of the value of thirty talents; and besides these, ten garments, and purple, and a very beautiful crown, and a hundred pieces of the finest woven linen; as also vials and dishes, and vessels for pouring, and two golden cisterns to be dedicated to God. He also desired him, by an epistle, that he would give these interpreters leave, if any of them were desirous of coming to him, because he highly valued a conversation with men of such learning, and should be very willing to lay out his wealth upon such men. And this was what came to the Jews, and was much to their glory and honor, from Ptolemy Philadelphus].




Mattathias was a priest, but became a prophet by choice, along with his sons.  A crisis point had been reached between priests and prophets. The priests wanted their way of sacrifice to be imposed upon everyone. They had persuaded Antiochus the king to command that the prophets sacrifice, as an example to anyone who sympathised with the prophets. Mattathias never did dwell at Modin. He was a citizen of Jerusalem (Chap.6.1) and a prophet who worshipped God in the temple at the altar of incense. Mattathias did not accept animal sacrifice. Antiochus sided with the priests and persecuted the prophets.  So Mattathias
 started a revolution to get rid of the priests. 

“Worship of God” is explicit twice in Chap.6.2. This form of expression was applicable to the worship of the prophets at the altar of incense, and had nothing to do with the “laws of their country”.

Mattathias taught the prophets and their followers to fight in their defence, otherwise they would not survive. This had nothing to do with not fighting on the Sabbath. Mattathias gathered a large army that defeated Antiochus’s generals.

1. NOW at this time there was one whose name was Mattathias, [who dwelt at Modin,] the son of John, the son of Simeon, the son of Asamoneus, a [priest] {prophet} of the order of Joarib, and a citizen of Jerusalem. He had five sons; John, who was called Gaddis, and Simon, who was called Matthes, and Judas, who was called Maccabeus, and Eleazar, who was called Auran, and Jonathan, who was called Apphus. Now this Mattathias lamented to his children the sad state of their affairs, [and the ravage made in the city, and the plundering of the temple, and the calamities the multitude were under]; and he told them that it was better for them to die for the [laws of their country] {worship of God}, than to live so ingloriously as they then did.

2. But when [those] {the priests} that were appointed by the king were come to [Modin] {the temple}, that they might compel the [Jews] {prophets} to [do what they were commanded, and to enjoin those that were there to] offer sacrifice, as the king had commanded, they desired that Mattathias, a [person] {prophet} of the greatest [character] {reputation} among them, [both on other accounts, and particularly on account of such a numerous and so deserving a family of children,] would begin the sacrifice, because his fellow [citizens] {prophets} would follow his example[, and because such a procedure would make him honoured by the king]. But Mattathias said he would not do it; and that if all the other [nations] {prophets} would obey the commands of Antiochus, either out of fear, or to please him, yet would not he nor his sons leave the [religious] worship of [their country] {God}.

[But as soon as he had ended his speech, there came one of the Jews into the midst of them, and sacrificed, as Antiochus had commanded. At which Mattathias had great indignation, and ran upon him violently, with his sons, who had swords with them, and slew both the man himself that sacrificed, and Apelles the king's general, who compelled them to sacrifice, with a few of his soldiers. He also overthrew the idol altar, and cried out,]

"If," said he," any one be zealous for the [laws of his country, and for the] worship of God, let him follow me." And when he had said this, he made haste into the desert with his sons[, and left all his substance in the village]. Many others did the same also, and fled with their children and wives into the desert, and dwelt in caves.

But when the king's generals heard this, they took all the forces they then had in the citadel at Jerusalem, and pursued the [Jews] {prophets} into the desert; and when they had overtaken them, they in the first place endeavored to persuade them to repent, and to [choose what was most for their advantage,] {to sacrifice} [and not put them to the necessity of using them according to the law of war]. But when they would not comply with their persuasions, [but continued to be of a different mind,] they fought against them [on the sabbath day], and they burnt them as they were in the caves, without resistance[, and without so much as stopping up the entrances of the caves]. And they avoided to defend themselves [on that day], because they were not willing to break in upon the [honour] {obedience} they owed [the Sabbath] {God}[, even in such distresses; for our law requires that we rest upon that day]. There were about a thousand, with their wives and children, who were smothered and died in these caves; but many of those that escaped joined themselves to Mattathias, and appointed him to be their ruler, who taught them to fight [, even on the sabbath day]; and told them that unless they would do so, they would become their own enemies, [by observing the law so rigorously,] while their adversaries would still assault them [on this day,] and they would not then defend themselves, and that nothing could then hinder but they must all perish without fighting. This speech persuaded them.

[And this rule continues among us to this day, that if there be a necessity, we may fight on sabbath days].

So Mattathias got a great army about him, and overthrew [their idol altars, and slew those that broke the laws,] {the generals} even all that he could get under his power; for many of them were dispersed among the nations round about them for fear of him.

[He also commanded that those boys which were not yet circumcised should be circumcised now; and he drove those away that were appointed to hinder such their circumcision.]

3.But when he had ruled one year, and was fallen into a distemper, he called for his sons, and set them round about him, and said, "O my sons, I am going the way of all the earth; and I recommend to you my resolution, and beseech you not to be negligent in keeping it, but to be mindful of the [desires]{Spirit} of [him] {God} who begat you, and brought you up, and to preserve the [customs of your country] {worship of God},

[and to recover your ancient form of government, which is in danger of being overturned, and not to be carried away with those that, either by their own inclination, or out of necessity, betray it, but to become such sons as are worthy of me; to be above all force and necessity,]

and so to dispose your souls, as to be ready, when it shall be necessary, to die for your [laws] {God}; as sensible of this, by just reasoning, that if God see that you are so disposed he will not overlook you, but will have a great value for your virtue {purity}, and will restore to you again what you have lost, and will return to you that freedom in which you shall live quietly[, and enjoy your own customs].
Your [bodies] {spirits} are {im}mortal, and subject to [fate] {spirits of deceit and light}; but they receive [a sort of immortality] {the Spirit of God}[, by the remembrance of what actions they have done] {when you obey him}. And I would have you so [in love with this immortality] {obey his Spirit}, that you may pursue after glory, and that, when you have undergone the greatest difficulties, you may not scruple, for such things, to lose your lives. I exhort you, especially, to agree one with another; and in what excellency any one of you exceeds another, to yield to him so far, and by that means to reap the advantage of every one's own [virtues] {spirits}. Do you then esteem Simon as your father, because he is a man of extraordinary prudence, and be governed by him in what counsels be gives you. Take Maccabeus for the general of your army, because of his courage and strength, for he will [avenge your nation, and will] bring vengeance on your enemies. Admit among you the [righteous and religious] {obedient}, and [augment their power] {pray for them}."

4. When Mattathias had thus discoursed to his sons, and had prayed to God to be their assistant[, and to recover to the people their former constitution], he died a little afterward, and was buried at [Modin] {Jerusalem}; all the [people] {prophets} making great lamentation for him. Whereupon his son Judas took upon him the administration of public affairs, in the hundred forty and sixth year; and thus, by the ready assistance of his brethren, and of others, Judas cast their enemies out of the country, [and put those of their own country to death who had transgressed its laws,] and purified the land of all the [pollutions] {priests} that were in it. 

Friday, October 03, 2014

'Philippians' - Originally a Prophetic Document?


Professor Mark Goodacre presents one view here:  This is my alternative


This was a letter originally written from Rome by king Agrippa to the prophets of Jerusalem.  Agrippa, a Jewish prophet, was living in Claudius’s palace at the time.  He was a religious tutor to Nero and the Claudian family.  Agrippa befriended Nero while the latter was under his care at Ein Gedi in Israel. The Emperor’s palace (1.13) and Epaphroditus (4.18), a servant in Caesar’s household (4.22) are specifically mentioned.   
In Rome, Agrippa was experiencing persecution from other Jews, the priest Eleazazar (the son of Caiaphas) had visited Rome on several occasions.  Eleazeazar and his fellow priests said that the Jews should obey the Law and that sacrifice was necessary for forgiveness of sins.  Agrippa proclaimed the Spirit that must be obeyed to achieve purity, and that sacrifice was a waste of time.  There was no mention of Jesus.

Agrippa's focus was entirely on the Spirit.  He was self-efacing, unlike Paul.  The text was changed later to give the impression that Paul was writing from Jerusalem to supposed Christians living at Philippi.  Hence the text is based on earlier material which is why some scholars say that Paul wrote the letter around 50 CE.  In the extant text, Paul is teaches that a supposed Jesus had been supposedly sacrificed for the sins of the world.  The Church Fathers were invented the new Christian religion and Paul as they went along. 

Chapter 1

1.1.[Paul] {Agrippa} [and Timothy, servants of Christ Jesus], to all the [saints] {prophets} in [Christ Jesus] {the Spirit} at [Philippi] {Jerusalem} [, together with the overseers and deacons:].

1.2.Grace and peace to you from God{.} [our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ].

1.3.I thank my God every time I remember you.

1.4.In all my prayers for all of you, I always pray with joy

1.5.because of your partnership in the [gospel] {Spirit of God} from the first day until now,

1.6.being confident of this, that he who began a good work in you will carry it on to completion until the day of [Christ Jesus] {the Lord}.

1.7.It is right for me to feel this way about all of you, since
I have you in my heart; for whether I am [in chains] {praying in the Spirit}, or defending and confirming the [gospel] {the Spirit}, all of you share in God's [grace] {Spirit} with me. 

1.8.God can testify how I [long] {pray} for all of you with the affection of [Christ Jesus] {a brother}.

1.9.And this is my prayer: that you[r love] may abound more and more in [knowledge] {the Spirit}, that you may be able to discern [what is best] {impure spirits}, and may be pure and blameless until the day of [Christ] {the Lord}, filled with the [fruit of righteousness that comes through Jesus Christ] {the Spirit} to the glory and praise of God.

1.12.Now I want you to know, brothers, that what has happened to me has really served to advance the [gospel] {Spirit of God}. 

1.13.As a result, it has become clear throughout the whole palace and to everyone else that I [am] {pray} in [chains for Christ] {the Spirit}. 

1.14.Because of my [chains] {prayers}, most of the brothers in the Lord have been encouraged to [speak] {proclaim} the [word] {Spirit} of God more.

1.15.It is true that [some] {Elezeazar and his fellow priests} preach [Christ] {the Law} out of envy and rivalry [, but others out of goodwill. 

1.16.The latter do so in love], knowing that I am put here for the defence of the [gospel] {Spirit of God}.

1.17.The former preach [Christ] {the Law} out of selfish ambition, not sincerely, supposing that they can stir up trouble for me while I [am in chains] {proclaim the Spirit}.

1.18.But what does it matter? The important thing is that [in every way, whether from false motives or true, Christ] {the Spirit} is [preached] {proclaimed}.  And because of this I rejoice.  Yes, and I will continue to rejoice,

1.19. for I know that through your prayers and the help given by the Spirit of [Jesus Christ] {God}, what has happened to me will turn out for my deliverance.

1.20.I eagerly expect and hope that I will in no way be ashamed, but will have sufficient courage so that now as always [Christ] {the Spirit} will be exalted IN MY BODY[, whether by life or by death]. 

1.21.For to me, to live is [Christ] {the Spirit} [and to die is gain]. 

1.22.If I am to go on living in the [body] {Spirit}, this will mean fruitful labour for me.  Yet what shall I choose?  I do not know!  

1.23.I am torn between the two: I desire to depart and be with [Christ] {God}, which is better by far;

1.24.but it is more necessary for you that I remain in the [body] {Spirit}.  

Agrippa promises to return to Jerusalem to help in the struggle against the priests who were led by Eleazeazar

1.25.Convinced of this, I know that I will [remain] {come to you}, [and I will continue with all of you for your progress and joy in the faith], that through my being with you again your joy in [Christ Jesus] {the Spirit} will overflow [on account of me].

1.27.Whatever happens, conduct yourselves in [a manner worthy of] the [gospel] {Spirit} of [Christ] God.  Then, [whether] {when} I come [and see you or only hear about you in my absence], I will know that you stand firm [in one spirit], contending as one man for the [faith] {Spirit} of [the gospel] {God},

1.28.without being frightened in any way by [those] {Eleazeazar and his priests} who oppose you. This is a sign to them that they will be [destroyed] {condemned} [, but that you will be saved -- and that] by God. 

1.29.For it has been granted to you [on behalf of Christ] {in the Spirit} not only to [believe on] {obey} him, but also to suffer for him,

1.30.since you are going through the same struggle you saw I had, and now hear that I still have.

Yadin thought the three skeletons found in the palace were a family group.  And that one of the skeletons may have been that of an officer, based on the silver-coated scales of armour found next to the skeleton of the man.  Yadin had them reburied in a secret location.  The family group were the children of Agrippa I. The officer was Agrippa II wearing royal armour.  The woman was Bernice.  The third member was Agrippa I's youngest daughter or son. 

War 2.15.1 gives us a clue of  what happened to Bernice: "Now she dwelt then at Jerusalem, in order to perform a vow which she had made to God; for it is usual with those that had been either afflicted with a distemper, or with any other distresses, to make vows; and for thirty days before they are to offer their sacrifices, to abstain from wine, and to shave the hair of their head. Which things Bernice was now performing, and stood barefoot before Florus's tribunal, and besought him to spare the Jews.  Yet could she neither have any reverence paid to her, nor could she escape without some danger of being slain herself."  Josephus invented this story.  Bernice didn't stand before Florus's tribunal, but before the priests in Masada. 

The priests had caught the king's daughter Bernice, her brother Agrippa II and another daughter.  These three had been living in Agrippa I's palace in Jerusalem. They took them to Masada and persuaded the Idumean guards that they would harm the children if they didn't let them in.  The guards acceded to their request. Then they killed the guards and proceeded to try Bernice and the other two. She stood barefoot before before the priests,  and she asked that the prophets be set free from the temple.  They insulted her and cut her hair to shame her - the hair with a part of her scalp was discovered in Masada. She had been executed. Amnon Ben Tor writes in his book Back to Masada (see page 304): "on one of the steps were  found fragments of a woman's scalp with well preserved braids of brown hair wrapped up in remains of a kerchief on which possible traces of blood (?) could still be observed."  Ben Tor should know because he uncovered the find which included the three skeletons.  One was that of a man aged about 22 years, a woman about 18, and a boy (supposedly) about 11. (see page 304 of Ben Tor).  The man was Agrippa II (kept alive in Josephus's later account), and the woman Bernice (the so-called mistress of Titus in Josephus's account).  Both had been murdered.  The girl or boy was the youngest child of Agrippa I.  

Ben Tor says (page 305): "There is no archaeologist who has not been asked during his or her career what they consider their most moving discovery.  I have also been asked this question many times, and I always say that the day I uncovered the three skeletons in the lower level of the Northern Palace was the most thrilling day in my professional life." Such was the importance  Ben Tor attached to his discovery. It was more important than ever he could have imagined.  The place was a small bath house - exactly the sort of place that guilty folk would have committed the murder.

The penultimate chapter of Antiquities (See 19.9) is reserved for what must be one of the most appalling cover-ups in the writings attributed to Josephus. After the death of king Agrippa, the supposed soldiers from Caesarea and Sebaste supposedly went to the kings supposed house, took away supposed statues of Agrippa's daughters to supposed brothel houses and abused them on the tops of the houses.  Such a fanciful story is ridiculous, yet scholars have sought to explain it as though it was true.  This story recalls the fact that the priests had murdered three of Agrippa I's children.  The children had been taken from Agrippa I's palace to Masada.  

A Story of a Spurious Alexander and a Living Aristobulus (Ant.17. 324-338, or Chapter 12)  

This section is a very garbled version of the appointment of Aristobulus, the son of Herod and Marriamne to be king of Judea, by Augustus.  The story was created by the Church Fathers because they didn't want their existing text (of Antiquities 18) to reveal the real cause of a war which was between the priests rebelling against Aristobulus and his forces. The priests were led by the priest Caiaphas and his son Eleazar. The rebellion was put down.  But it was resumed after Aristobulus died and his son Agrippa came to power. Aristobulus and Agrippa were considered by the Romans to be trustworthy rulers like Herod before them.  Romans under Nero only intervened later when things got out of hand and the priests had killed king Agrippa (the great), the son of Aristobulus. In the above passage, the writer's spurious Alexander spins a fanciful tale to Caesar Augustus. Historian Martin Goodman, in his book Rome and Jerusalem, naively takes this story about a spurious Alexander, as literally true (Goodman devotes the whole of page 419 to it).  Goodman doesn’t see the story as a Church Father cover-up for the appointment of Aristobulus as king.  Aristobulus did "recover the dominion that was due to his high birth" (Ant.17.334) It was given to him by Ceasar Augustus on the death of his father Herod.   Aristobulus was obviously very much alive, and the writer knows it. He stayed on the island of Crete, probably on his way to Judea.  There was danger from the sea (335).  Ships often sheltered from storms in ports.  This was done so that "the posterity of Mariamne might not utterly perish, but that Aristobulus might survive, and punish those that laid such treacherous designs against them." (335)   "Them" referred to Herod's Hasmonean sons.  Then in 17.339, the Church Fathers had Archelaus the son of Herod by Malthace falsely made ethnarch of Judea.  In reality it was Aristobulus who was made king.  Aristobulus continued his father's support for the prophets (falsely interpolated as Essenes in various places by the Church Fathers). This was bound to cause trouble with the priests who had been cast out of the temple by Herod.  The church Fathers wanted to create their own 'history' about Jesus.

Aristobulus, the son of Mariamne the Hasmonean and Herod the Great, was the father of Agrippa the Great.  Aristobulus was not strangled as described in Ant.16.11.7 - this was a pure fabrication of the Church Fathers.  He was educated in Augustus's palace.  After the death of Herod, and was declared king by Augustus.  Herod always wanted one of his Hasmonean sons to succeed him.  Herod didn't want Aristobulus to meet the same fate as his son Alexander (supposedly executed by his father).    

The Church Fathers portray Josephus as a Hasmonean of royal descent.  This of course is pure fabrication.  In Josephus, the Church Fathers appear to show an unhealthy interest in what happened to two Hasmoneans, Herod's sons Alexander and Aristobulus by Mariamne.  The whole of Antiquities 16 and 17 is focused on these two sons.  Thus (after the digressions of Ant.16, chaps. 5 and 6) at the end of chap.6,  we have: "I now return to the thread of my history", which is Herod's family tragedy by which the writer is consumed.    

Aristobulus did survive to take the kingdom. 

1.WHEN these affairs had been thus settled by Caesar, a certain young man, by birth a Jew, but brought up by a Roman freed-man in the city Sidon, ingrafted himself into the kindred of Herod, by the resemblance of his countenance, which those that saw him attested to be that of Alexander, the son of Herod, whom he had slain; and this was an incitement to him to endeavour to obtain the government; so he took to him as an assistant a man of his own country, one that was well acquainted with the affairs of the palace, but, on other accounts, an ill man, and one whose nature made him capable of causing great disturbances to the public, and one that became a teacher of such a mischievous contrivance to the other, and declared himself to be Alexander, and the son of Herod, but stolen away by one of those that were sent to slay him, who, in reality, slew other men, in order to deceive the spectators, but saved both him and his brother Aristobulus. Thus was this man elated, and able to impose on those that came to him; and when he was come to Crete, he made all the Jews that came to discourse with him believe him to be Alexander. And when he had gotten much money which had been presented to him there, he passed over to Melos, where he got much more money than he had before, out of the belief they had that he was of the royal family, and their hopes that he would recover his father's principality, and reward his benefactors; so he made haste to Rome, and was conducted thither by those strangers who entertained him. He was also so fortunate, as, upon his landing at Dicearchia, to bring the Jews that were there into the same delusion; and not only other people, but also all those that had been great with Herod, or had a kindness for him, joined themselves to this man as to their king. The cause of it was this, that men were glad of his pretenses, which were seconded by the likeness of his countenance, which made those that had been acquainted with Alexander strongly to believe that he was no other but the very same person, which they also confirmed to others by oath; insomuch that when the report went about him that he was coming to Rome, the whole multitude of the Jews that were there went out to meet him, ascribing it to Divine Providence that he has so unexpectedly escaped, and being very joyful on account of his mother's family. And when he was come, he was carried in a royal litter through the streets; and all the ornaments about him were such as kings are adorned withal; and this was at the expense of those that entertained him. The multitude also flocked about him greatly, and made mighty acclamations to him, and nothing was omitted which could be thought suitable to such as had been so unexpectedly preserved.

2. When this thing was told Caesar, he did not believe it, because Herod was not easily to be imposed upon in such affairs as were of great concern to him; yet, having some suspicion it might be so, he sent one Celadus, a freed-man of his, and one that had conversed with the young men themselves, and bade him bring Alexander into his presence; so he brought him, being no more accurate in judging about him than the rest of the multitude. Yet did not he deceive Caesar; for although there was a resemblance between him and Alexander, yet was it not so exact as to impose on such as were prudent in discerning; for this spurious Alexander had his hands rough, by the labors he had been put to and instead of that softness of body which the other had, and this as derived from his delicate and generous education, this man, for the contrary reason, had a rugged body. When, therefore, Caesar saw how the master and the scholar agreed in this lying story, and in a bold way of talking, he inquired about Aristobulus, and asked what became of him who (it seems) was stolen away together with him, and for what reason it was that he did not come along with him, and endeavor to recover that dominion which was due to his high birth also. And when he said that he had been left in the isle of Crete, for fear of the dangers of the sea, that, in case any accident should come to himself, the posterity of Mariamne might not utterly perish, but that Aristobulus might survive, and punish those that laid such treacherous designs against them; and when he persevered in his affirmations, and the author of the imposture agreed in supporting it, Caesar took the young man by himself, and said to him, "If thou wilt not impose upon me, thou shalt have this for thy reward, that thou shalt escape with thy life; tell me, then, who thou art, and who it was that had boldness enough to contrive such a cheat as this. For this contrivance is too considerable a piece of villainy to be undertaken by one of thy age." Accordingly, because he had no other way to take, he told Caesar the contrivance, and after what manner and by whom it was laid together. So Caesar, upon observing the spurious Alexander to be a strong active man, and fit to work with his hands, that he might not break his promise to him, put him among those that were to row among the mariners, but slew him that induced him to do what he had done; for as for the people of Melos, he thought them sufficiently punished, in having thrown away so much of their money upon this spurious Alexander. And such was the ignominious conclusion of this bold contrivance about the spurious Alexander.

Aristobulus Appointed King by Augustus

Martin Goodman, discusses Archelaus on pages 397 and 398 of Rome and Jerusalem.  The date he implies for the end of the supposed reign of Archelaus is given in his remarkable statement (page 397): "Nor was violence continuous: a long-lived Jerusalemite could have passed the the whole period from 6 to 66 CE without ever witnessing the horrors of war."  Herod's death was in 4 BCE.  Thus a long-lived Jerusalemite could have passed the the whole period from 4 BCE to 66 CE without witnessing the horrors of war, because in 4 BCE, the Hasmonean Aristobulus living at Rome, was appointed king by Augustus.  This was in a seamless transition of power, and began another Hasmonean dynasty which was stable and peaceful.  Herod favoured the prophets, and the priests had conspired in the murder of Herod's wife and relatives while they lived in the fortress of Alexandrium 

For most of the time from Judas Maccabeus until 66 CE the priests  put themselves in self-imposed exile from the temple, as in 4QMMT.  The writings attributed to Josephus give some hints that Aristobulus was appointed king.  They tell a story about a spurious Alexander?  Why not a spurious Aristobulus also?  The spurious Alexander said he had "left Aristobulus in the isle of Crete, for fear of the dangers of the sea, that, in case any accident should come to himself, the posterity of Mariamne might not utterly perish, but that Aristobulus might survive, and punish those that laid such treacherous designs against them"; Aristobulus is living in the story yet he had previously and supposedly been murdered by his father.   Herod's plan for Aristobulus was that he should inherit his kingdom. 


Kokkinos asks the question, how come the kingdom established by Herod the Great disappeared overnight?    Kokkinos writes (p193 of The Herodian Dynasty): 

“From the imposition of direct Roman rule in CE6 (direct roman rule was a fabrication) to this embassy in CE 40 (the ridiculous fabrication of an embassy concerned with Caligula wanting to erect his statue in the temple at Jerusalem), and with the exception of Salome’s death in her household in CE 10, and a few of the building activities of Antipas and Philip in their own territories, Josephus has nothing to say about the status or even the existence of the Herodian family in Judea. However, is it possible that a royal court of such magnitude, a ruling centre for over half a century, with its established political, economic and military mechanisms, lost its well placed manpower in a spectacular overnight disintegration? Could the Romans have replaced all the people of experience, for example in local administration, with their own nominees, of which we hear nothing, or could they have filled the vacancies with a batch of unpopular priests, to which Herod had merely allowed the role of running the Temple?”  

Of course, I disagree that the priests were allowed the role of running the temple. From the time of Judas Maccabeus, they were exiled from the temple. The power of the priests had certainly disappeared.  It was the Herodians who continued to rule.   Aristobulus was a Hasmonean/Maccabean 


Kokkinos says Goodman's assessment is 'perplexed'.  He objects to Goodman's assessment, and says we have a false impression of the power of the high priests in the period before Agrippa I.  I say the Goodman and Kokkinos are wrong.  The priests and chief priests then had no official power.

On p194 of The Herodian Dynasty, Kokkinos says Goodman wrote as follows: “Nonetheless it was to such High Priests [i.e. of doubtful background promoted by Herod] that Rome handed over power in A.D. 6. It might seem a little strange that the Romans desired these priests as rulers rather than Herod’s Idumaean associates, especially since by the fifties A.D. the relatives of Herod himself and of Herod’s close Idumaean [sic] friend Alexas…did indeed become prominent in Judean politics; it might reasonably be expected that when the province was founded, such Idumaeans would already gladly have cooperated with Rome and that…the Romans would have trusted them…But Josephus does not attest any role for such men…and though it is possible that this silence arises from the historian’s comparative ignorance about the period of the first procurators, it is more than likely that they remained in political isolation on their estates in the southern part of the province until Agrippa brought them into prominence during his brief but popular reign. (Goodman 1987:42-43)”  

We know the reason for the writer's silence about the first procurators, apart from their appointment and removal.  Their appointment and removal was fabricated. The Romans under Vespasian wanted to blame supposed Roman procurators under Nero for provoking the so-called war.  There were no Roman procurators, only Governors of Syria, and prefects in Ceasarea.      


 “Many objections must be raised here.”  Kokkinos gives a number of them (see p194-196 of The Herodian Dynasty). The third objection Kokkinos gives is: “Third no Herodian isolation should be postulated under the prefects, since the Herods would not have emerged so suddenly in vital positions some 30 years after they had effectively abandoned their public functions. In fact the prominence of members of the Herodian family in the Judaean society, despite Goodman, is on record before the time of Agrippa I. Philo expressly states that under Pontius Pilate, apart from other Herodian descendants, Herod’s ‘four sons enjoyed prestige and rank equal to that of kings’.” (Philo, Embassy to Gaius, 300).  In effect, Kokkinos has contradicted himself as well as writing a rejoinder addressed to Goodman. The Herodians were in power all the time up to or just before 66.  Aristobulus I was to be followed by his son Agrippa I.

The reference in Philo was supposedly about “Pilate” wanting to dedicate some “gilt shields” to "Tiberias" in the “palace of Herod” in Jerusalem. The “people” had appealed to “the four sons of the ‘king’” to remonstrate with “Pilate”. The shields were supposedly inscribed with two names which the “people” said would bring about “an alteration in their national customs”. Apparently, the “people” objected to a certain “name” in whose honour they “were so placed there”, and the certain name of the person who placed them there. Laughably, we are meant to assume that the honoured person was “Tiberias” and that it was was “Pilate” who wanted to honour him.  This, apparently, would have altered “national customs”. Clearly, the text of Philo has been fabricated.  

On p196 of The Herodian Dynasty, Kokkinos has: “For example, under Gratus (CE 15-26) the only information he (the writer of Josephus) adduces is the succession of four high priests in the space of three years. Naturally such a bare narrative gives the false impression that besides the Roman governor, the power in Judaea was monopolized by the high priesthood. Although there was an enhancement compared to Herod’s time, the ‘priestly class’ as the sole ruling class in Judaea under Rome is a myth, certainly for the period before Agrippa I.  The evidence known to us shows that in political disputes with the Romans, the Jewish embassies dealing with the case were ‘aristocratic’, but headed by Herodians not high priests.”  Thus the "high priests" (in reality the chief priests) were not in any sort of power and the wheeler-dealers were the Herodians in a continuous unbroken line of Hasmonean kings.  The priestly class as the sole ruling power was worse than a myth.  The priests were totally disenfranchised.   

The incident of the “shields” in Philo, Embassy to Gaius, 300 has sounded a very loud bell, at least in my ears. This was really a complaint made to a king by priests about some goings-on (i.e. not goings-on) in the temple that was against the Law.  This was what the Embassy to Gaius was all about. The story (if you read between the lines of propaganda) has a strong resemblance to a scroll, 4QMMT- Acts of Torah, which is a list of complaints made by one group who had separated themselves from the temple against a second group who the first group reckoned were not keeping the Law. The complaint was made to a royal person whose name just happens not to be there by virtue of the wear and tear of 4QMMT. The priests put their complaints to the king in a servile roundabout fashion because as a supporter of the prophets the king (whoever he was) was about keeping the Scrolls under his power in the Citadel of the temple.